kabarmakyay

Conference on “Myanmar after the 2010 Elections”

2012-01-29T03:56:00.002+07:00

UTW's Presentation to the Seminar

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, and friends of Myanmar for Democracy:

I am to present the Role of the Opposition in the Political Arena in Myanmar.
Since 1962 there was no Role for the Opposition to play until the beginning of 2011. For more than 4 decades Myanmar was in Age of Total Darkness; there was no light at the end of the tunnel – the problem was – there was no tunnel at all.
In this presentation, I would like to focus on the current and future role of the oppositions, the role that is in existence tangibly now.
SPDC [State Peace and Development Committee], the ruling military junta announced that the election would be held by 2010, thus, antipathy among politicians – to be or not to be - had taken place.
If we look at the economic situation of the country Myanmar was one of a few lower than the lowest ebb countries among the ASEAN. Cronyism, corruption and nepotism were astoundingly practiced. The assimilated gap between the few rich and the silent majority poor was unfathomably huge.
Statistics showed there was 26% of total household that was lower than the lower class household; the lower class household means the household had only 70% income of disposable income. All in all, the summary for the reason why the country’s economy is in heels over head is quite simple – cronyism, nepotism, and corruption.
Equal justice before law for every citizen is the supreme requirement for Myanmar; supremacy of law, transparency, accountability, and responsibility are the essential elements of good governess. None were tangible.
Opposition, by definition is ‘resistance or disagreement’, or, ‘a group of opponents’ and in Britain ‘the main party in Parliament that is opposed to the one in the Government’. Opposition does not require opposing anything and everything the Government is undertaking.
There are bi-partisan undertakings but nonetheless there is an ultimate duty of the Opposition, that is, to win over the Government through democratic means; that is, through election; and form the new Government by themselves or form a Coalition Government if the required majority was not fulfilled.
Seated from the Left of the Speaker then to be seated to the Right of the Speaker is one of the aims and objectives of the Opposition and if the Opposition Party does not have such political fervor, then, that party is not a political party at all.

Myanmar has a taste of democracy only recently after the civilian government was installed. Nonetheless, the transition of military government into civilian government in Myanmar was exceptionally smooth. No dictator in nowhere in the world relinquished state power the way Myanmar dictators had relinquished. It was retreat into victory for them; a systematic with well defended position, such as constitutional defense in their favor in place.
The new government is made up of well experienced ministers, from the top to down, but their experiences were in the dictatorial form of governance. They were responsible to none; budget allocation; road constructions for example were carried out by the whims of the top honcho.
The junta got into cease fire agreement with ethnic insurgents and gave them carte blanch business concessions; the result is the country lush forest was obliterated; Kachin State became swampy land; thank to the new civilian government the Irrawaddy Myitsone project was stopped. Stop shooting at each other is not considered Peace.
People cannot expect earth shaking stance from the new government as it stemmed out the previous military junta. Military by nature is security conscience and therefore they would want to have their position secured.
Up to now there are instances that the Service Personals at lower level are behaving what they were used to. In the case of Democratic Party Myanmar Organization Committee Organizer Daw Tin Tin Mya one could find that the responsible officer at the Municipal Office, Major Tun Tin, instead of enquiring the problem in depth the first thing he said was to get out otherwise he would arrest her for obstructing the work. Rangoon Division, South Okkalapa Township Municipal ordered Laborers to relocate with no prior notice on Dec 11 within three days. Anyhow, with persistent pleading of Daw Tin Tin Mya the Laborers now got new places to move only after their children sat for the exams in two months; but the Township Municipal Officer U Nyi Nyi Oo sued Daw Tin Tin Mya for obstructing the work.
For them it is the only way they know to run their business. They need to be educated that the system under which the country is running has changed.
The new government’s position on being security conscience is no difference from the previous ones. They need confidence. For that matter the Opposition are responsible to make the civilian government feels secured and help assist their confidence level raised for the better governance.
Under this special situation the Opposition needs to play a role not as No-Matter-What-Opposition but a responsible Opposition the way we 10 Fraternity Democracy Party are exercising now. We participated in their seminars. We gave timely advice. We will provide more assurances to the government’s unsure footings.
The Government so far did not give necessary attention or attached importance to the issues raise in the parliament by Opposition; answered flimsily was what we experienced. We had no plan to do filibustering in the parliament, unnecessarily; the government should aware of it.
Being new and too cautious to have their legislature passed the government with no prior sharing of information introduced Bills and tried to pass it. The government with an astounding majority supported by 25% Uncontested MPs could pass any legislation.
For example recently the government introduced Land Ownership Bill. The Opposition had no information ahead of time. Such an important Bill should have thorough study as well as fully debated. It is the role we have to play to make sure that the smooth transition that junta had made would bear more benefits for the masses.
Though the international community had accepted that the country is underway to reform; let me ask - is it? A few changes here and there in the Constitution mean Reform; let me ask – is it? Throwing feeds at places where fish swam around is not reform but it could be pacification, it could be adjustments or political alignment, the most. Reform needs a program, all encompass comprehensive program for the country.
Allow me to review a much talk about reform model. For over two centuries Japan had been closed to all foreigners until American warships forced Japan, in 1854, to open her ports to foreign trade.
The infuriated Japanese blamed the Tokugawa shogun - the military leader who had ruled Japan in place of the emperor - for the humiliation.
In 1867 the shogun was forced to resign and Emperor Mutsuhito announced that he had taken his traditional powers back from the shogun. The Emperor moved the capital from ancient Kyoto to Edo, which he renamed Tokyo and he assumed the name Meji meaning "enlightened rule".
During the Meji period (1868 -1912) the feudal system was abolished, and Western ideas and business contacts gained wide acceptance. The abolition of pensions to the samurai and of the ancient code of the sword led to the samurai uprising in 1877. Following its defeat the samurai caste disintegrated.
The Charter Oath of 1868, a five point document is one of the first documents written by the new Meiji leaders and reveals much about the new society they hoped to create.
By this oath Japan set up as their aim the establishment of the national weal on a broad basis and the framing of a constitution and laws.
The oath was written by the new leaders and given to the newly restored emperor to present to the people.
One of the top responsible leaders of the new Myanmarese Legislature revealed that there is a resistance that does not want to accept the new way of governance. The Opposition should be aware of that.
Let alone the new government lacks experience in the democratic form of governance, the opposition, some are out of touch, some have no experience. We have to be very careful in leading each other, and it is the responsibility of both sides to avoid a situation where a blind is leading a blind.
International expertise in governance, as well as running the national economy should be welcomed and encourage international community to share their expertise as well as assist us in our endeavor in rehabilitating the country.
Just going against the Government alone would not make the country prosper. Internal conflicts would undermine development and the class parity with the neighboring countries would be too vast if we cannot reduce the conflict level.
The Opposition will have to give timely advice to the Government for the development of the country and to have good governance; will have to give full support on the measures undertaken by the Government if they are for the betterment of the country.
People will encourage more and more if the Opposition poked at the weaknesses of the Government. But just for the sake of attacking the Government one becomes Opposition is meaningless.
Opposition’s duties are to make sure there is peace, and national unity; release of and having no more political prisoners in jails; advice the Government on peasants and labor issues in good stead.
Last but not least, the oppositions would have to make sure that the government upholds the country’s Neutral Foreign Policy and the country remains on the course of genuine, I repeat, genuine Free Market Economy.
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: allow me to make a concluding remark with an appropriate Zart-ta-ka, a story of our Lord Buddha in his fifth embryo state of the Ten Last Incarnations before He reached the final State of Omniscience: Prince Ma-haw-tha-hta.
He was the Minister of Justice in the King’s Court. One day there was a dispute for possession of a baby between the two contending ladies. The case was brought to his Court.
Ma-haw-tha-hta asked the two ladies to ‘contest a tug-of-war using the baby as the rope’.
The struggle commenced, and the real mother, after realizing the pain baby was going through due to their competition, released and let the baby go.
So, announcing the fake mother as winner, Ma-haw-tha-hta passed the judgment as follows: ‘Clearly, the Lady who has the Baby in possession is the winner, but she could not be the real mother because she has no compunction whatsoever even when the Baby was suffering from the pain due to their competition; therefore, the Baby must be given to the real and rightful mother who lost in the competition’.
Politics in Myanmar is uniquely unique. Our people had suffered enough. They had gone through more than four decades of mismanagement, state of uncertainty, brutality and many untold stories. Enough is enough and we in the Opposition will dutifully discharge our honored duties and responsibilities for the betterment of the people, no-matter-what.
Freedom, Justice and Equality are the three Mantras we will be reciting as long as we are allowed to recite, devotedly, of course. Thank you.

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The Role of Opposition in the Political Arena in Myanmar
U Thu Wai

President, Democratic Party [Myanmar]
Background
Myanmar or Burma is sandwiched between the two giant nations, sharing 1,400 miles of common boundary with China and sharing 1,020 miles of common boundary with India. It is strategic to an extent and at the same time, being a small country it is something to worry.
In the historical context China had invaded Myanmar many a time and Myanmar repelled them time and again. Being a minor Imperialist, Myanmar, in the past had annexed Thailand, Yunnan, and Assam. When Myanmar met the real Imperialist, the British, Myanmar became a colony for 122 years.
With temperate temperature, fertile soil, lush forest, rich in natural resources – minerals, jade, ruby, etc. Burma is an attractive and interesting country.
From the beginning of Colonial era foreigners, especially Chinese and Indians started to migrate and had engaged in trade and commerce so much so that they not only controlled but also influenced business and trade sector of the country.
Buddhism spread from India and Sri Lanka, and, remains flourishing enormously in Burma. Burma has high standards of cultural traditions and therefore it has not fallen under the decadent foreign cultural influences.
Burma struggled for independence pre and during the Second World War and gained independence in 1948; thus, once again, Burma became a sovereign state among the family of nations.
A country-wide civil war broke out soon after independence, but, the then AFPFL Government was able to quell the insurgencies within a short period of time. The Government practiced Parliamentary Democracy and therefore people could enjoy freedom. People could exercise freedom of speech, freedom of expression and freedom to organize – all the democratic rights prevailed.
Burma had not only sufficient amount of rice for internal consumption but was also able to export rice and was once the world’s top rice exporter in the yesteryears.
Burma’s industrial base had made ‘a proud country’ in the region, and was able to make economic ‘take off’ viably. Due to high standards of socio-politico and economic standards the country was able to present itself in the realm of International political arena presentably and with dignity.
Politics in Myanmar after 1962
The emerging development of the country was nipped in the bud by the Armed Forces in 1962. Factories, shops, schools, hospitals, all productive elements in sight were nationalized. The military dictatorial system that was forcefully introduced smashed Burma’s industries as well as economies and had drawn the country into total ruination.
Opposition party system was banned; more than five people gathered were a crowd and forbidden; listening BBC was a crime and could be arrested.
During the 26 years of military dictatorship there were several uprisings and mass demonstrations. All were suppressed with brute force.
Politics in Myanmar in 1988 uprisings and afterwards
By 1988 a country-wide uprising for democracy took place; and thus the original military junta demise. Nevertheless, militarism continued under the guise of State Law and Order Restoration Committee [SLORC]. Militarism was reestablished. But, peoples’ political fervor against the militarism had not extinguished.
The new junta announced to hold election and thus political parties were allowed to form. With a little political space available more than 200 political parties were formed. Statements after statements were flying high.
If one analyzed general prevailing situation of the time the pro-government National Unity Party {NUP} or [Ta Sa Nya] in short, the party belongs to previous military regime was the sure winner; the rest of the votes would be spread and thus NUP would win with majority. This analysis was also an analysis adopted by the SLORC and therefore the junta held the ‘rig free’ election.
The end result was quite contrary to what the junta had expected as the people cast their votes – the hate votes against the militarism - for National League for Democracy [NLD], the party that was in opposition against the junta.
Politics in Myanmar after 1990 election
The junta would not buy the election result, their defeat, easily; State Power was not transferred; NLD formed a parallel exiled Government; mass demonstrations against the junta had begun and suppression blew in. 10 arrested – five released; 20 arrested – 10 released; gave long and longer term sentences like 50 or 100 years were given using as intimidations.
During that intimidated era if an automobile stopped in front of a house people got frightened as if Military Intelligence [MI] had come to pick up for interrogation or for incarceration.
Meeting with foreigners was much dislike and meeting with diplomats was considered as crime. Youth as well as Buddhist Monks demonstrated against the junta; brutal suppression was the only method deployed by the junta, nothing else. Gradually, people dared not communicate with politicians. MI made sure politicians were socially ostracized. The military junta did not understand or accept that the Police Force has the legal supremacy over Army. For any disturbance, serious or not, Army was brought out. Army sprayed bullets on the innocent people as it seemed was a favorite sport of the Generals.
The personal experience in Burma’s politics after 1990
I was first arrested in 1991 one year after the 1990 election; at that time I was the President of Democracy Party. We have one candidate elected as a Peoples’ Representative Elect [PRE]; nevertheless, we continued actively and convened Party Conference; and thus the leaders of Democracy Party ended up in Jails.
MI agents followed me from U Aung Than’s funeral [Bogyoke Aung San’s brother] and asked me to accompany them ‘for a short while’. On the first day I was required to give personal history at an MI ‘Interrogation and Detention Camp’; the next day I was sent straight to Insein jail. No prosecution was made for a person arrested under Section 10 A Internments and as I was not sentenced to Jail but put under custody at the jail, so, I was not provided with clothing or bedding. I was fed only ‘Out of Sympathy’ by the Jailers.
MI’s ‘for a while’ lasted five months. While I was in Jail Democracy Party was disbanded.
The junta arrested me for the second time in May 1995. A few friends, about five or six, gathered at former Rector of the Rangoon University Dr. Thar Hla’s residence, once a week, chit chat about every possible topic inclusive of politics.
On that very day of arrest Dr. Thar Hla, former Colonel U Kyi Maung from NLD, former Major Tun Shwe, Attorney U Aye Maung and I were having snacks; I was the youngest of them all. All of a sudden about 20 or so MI walked in into the living room and took several photos of us. After that we all were masked with towels and herded into automobiles and drove away. For four days we were interrogated and on the fifth day Major Tun Shwe and I were sent to Insein Jail. The rest were released.
We were prosecuted in the Jail Court; as evidences the authorities submitted clipping from my house I have collected clippings relating Burma by Time, Newsweek, Economic Review, Bangkok Post, visiting cards of diplomats, invitations from USIS; the items the authorities confiscated while I was interrogated as anti-government literatures and sentenced to seven year term for possessing such papers. I argued that I also have several papers published by the Government. The Judge dismissed my argument by saying: ‘those are legal to keep; the argument is irrelevant’.
After serving full term we were not released but year on year basis extension was made for three consecutive years. So, seven year term was but served 10 years. Many had gone through such experiences; and, some even had to undergo tortures.
The Current Political Aspect
The 2010 election
The military regime drawn the skewed Constitution and allowed only NLD, NUP and a few ethnic political parties to play in the political arena. Though NLD was a legal political entity basically NLD could perform ceremonies for special occasions. MI was abolished and in its place Office of the Military Affairs Security [OMAS] was formed. OMAS hindered political activities. There was no political space at all.
Since more than five people could not gather under Marshall Law politicians invented birth day parties, anniversaries of this and that, swen offerings, where discussions and exchange of news were carried out.
SLORC was transformed into SPDC [State Peace and Development Committee] and have gone into two decades of existence. SPDC announced that the election would be held by 2010, thus, antipathy among politicians – to be or not to be - had taken place.
Pro-election politicians argued that several decades had gone by in removing the military junta but nothing had so far been substantiated but people suffered more and more; the election would bring an opportunity to express peoples’ will, political parties could be formed, could communicate with the masses openly, could express political opinions, could express peoples’ opinions in the Parliaments as MPs, and could legislate laws.
Anti-election campaigners argued that the military junta would not change but to prolong their existence. At that juncture there was no freedom of expression, or, organization. The country was in the iron grips of the OMAS and other Intelligence Agencies [IA].
Political parties were allowed to form and organize new members but IA arranged a system not to have the parties to have new members. Parties had to get prior permission to have public gatherings from the authorities. Any meeting, if it was not at the party Headquarters, no flag could be hoisted, no public speakers were allowed, no slogans shouted; and name of the speakers, content of the speech and expected public attendance had to submit ahead of time. Before the meeting was even started several IAs were in attendance and therefore people were petrified to attend the meetings. To those who attended the meeting were questioned, such as: how and when the party was known and the name of the contact person, etc.
There was another requirement to have a party registered; a party needed 1,000 members. The names and addresses of those members were required to submit to the Union Election Commission [UEC]. UEC deliberately gave the list of the party members to IA to investigate. IA investigated and many members resigned from parties out of fears.
In order to get permission to register a trip was required to Naypyidor; and another trip for registration, selected party leaders and member list submission was another trip, submission of script to broadcast over TV was another trip, and recording was another trip; to become a political party caused several trips to Naypyidor; that means quite a steep expenses.
The Current Economics Aspects
Taking a look at the economic situation of the country Myanmar was one of a few lower than the lowest ebb countries among the ASEAN though several billion dollars were raked in through Border Trade, Gas Sales, etc. Cronyism, corruption and nepotism were astoundingly practiced. The assimilated gap between the few rich and the silent majority poor was unfathomably huge. According to the statistics there was 26% of total household that was lower than the lower class household; the lower class household means the household had only 70% income of disposable income.
In order to make ends meet expenses had to be reduced; children were taken out from schools; thus Burma has child labor force at restaurants, railway stations, bus terminals, etc. As standard of living had dwindled nutrition was something to be neglected and thus mental and physical developments were hampered. By comparison against the newly rich, the kids from the poor families were far behind in every aspect.
In order to lure Foreign Direct Investment [FDI] Investment and Trade Laws need to be redrawn; transferring of money to and from abroad have but to be legalized; stability must be restored; communications and trading with developed countries need to be re-established; and importantly stop the existing no-payment-made-nothing-moves system; etc.
The Current Socio-economic aspects
Myanmar has many talented people but they have no opportunities in any sector, economy, administration, wherever. All in all the summary of the reason why the country’s economy is in heels over head is quite simple – cronyism, nepotism, and corruption.
Equal justice before law for every citizen is the supreme requirement for Myanmar; supremacy of law, transparency, and responsibility are the essential elements of good governess.
The Oppositions! What do they aim for?
These abovementioned factors are the main aims and objectives of the Oppositions; some are to be abolished and some are to be established. Just going against the Government alone would not make the country prosper. Internal conflicts would produce less development and the class parity with the neighboring countries would be too vast.
The Opposition will have to give timely advice to the Government for the development of the country and to ensure good governance. Full support will be provided on the measures undertaken by the Government if they are for the betterment of the country.
People will encourage more and more if the Opposition poked at the weaknesses of the Government. But just for the sake of attacking the Government alone one becomes Opposition is meaningless. Opposition’s duties are to make sure there is peace, and unity; work for the void of political prisoners, advice the Government on peasants and labor issues in good stead.
The Oppositions at Parliaments….how well do they serve people?
Post 2010 election:
The election was over, Parliaments are in session. One could assume that the Generals are quite satisfied with what they designed to have, so much so that there would be less and less unnecessary harassment on the political lives of the people.
Opposition, by definition is ‘resistance or disagreement’, or, ‘a group of opponents’ and in Britain ‘the main party in Parliament that is opposed to the one in the Government’. The Opposition sits on the Left of the Speaker, opposite side of the Government. Opposition does not require opposing anything and everything the Government is undertaking. There are bi-partisan undertakings but nonetheless there is an ultimate duty of the Opposition, that is, to win over the Government through democratic means; that is, through election, and form the new Government by themselves or form a Coalition Government if the required majority was not fulfilled.
Seated Left of the Speaker but plan to move on to the Right of the Speaker is one of the rightfull aims and objectives of the Opposition and if the Opposition Party does not have such political fervor, then, that party is not a political party at all. Then and then only the party’s policies could be implemented.
Role of Opposition in Current Political Scenario:
Myanmar has a taste of democracy only recently after the civilian government was installed. Nonetheless, the transition of military government into civilian government in Myanmar was exceptionally smooth. No dictator in nowhere in the world relinquished state power the way Myanmar dictators had relinquished. It was retreat into victory for them; a systematic with well defended position, such as constitutional defense in their favor in place.
The new government is made up of well experienced ministers, from the top to down, but their experiences were in the dictatorial form of governance. They were responsible to none; budget allocation; road constructions for example were carried out by the whims of the top honcho.
The junta got into cease fire agreement with ethnic insurgents and gave them carte blanch business concessions; the result is the country lush forest was obliterated; Kachin State became swampy land; thank to the new civilian government the Irrawaddy Myitsone project was stopped. Stop shooting at each other cannot be considered as Peace.
People cannot expect earth shaking stance from the new government as it stemmed from the previous military junta. Military by nature is security conscience and therefore they would want to have their position secured. Up to now there are instances that the Service Personals at lower level are behaving what they were used to.
In the case of Democratic Party Myanmar [DPM] Organization Committee Organizer Daw Tin Tin Mya one could find that the responsible officer at the Municipal Office, Major Tun Tin, instead of enquiring the problem in depth the first thing he said was to get out otherwise he would arrest her for obstructing the work. Rangoon Division, South Okkalapa Township Municipal ordered Laborers to relocate with no prior notice on Dec 11 within three days. Anyhow, with persistent pleading of Daw Tin Tin Mya the Laborers now got new places to move only after their children sat for the exams in two months; but the Township Municipal Officer U Nyi Nyi Oo sued Daw Tin Tin Mya for obstructing the work. For them it is the only way they know to run their business. They need to be educated that the system under which the country is running has changed.
The new government’s position on security conscience is no difference from the previous ones. They need confidence. For that matter the Opposition are also responsible to make the civilian government feels secured and help assist their confidence level raised for the better governance.
Under this special situation the Opposition needs to play a role not as No-Matter-What-Opposition but a responsible Opposition the way the 10 Fraternity Democracy Parties are exercising now by participating in seminars organized by government, by giving timely advices, and by providing more assurances to the government’s unsure footings.
For example: the Government did not give necessary attention or attached importance to the issues raise in the parliament by Opposition; answered flimsily was what we experienced. The 10 Fraternity Democracy Parties had no plan to do filibustering in the parliament, unnecessarily.
Being new and too cautious to have their legislature passed the government made no prior sharing of information introduced Bills and tried to pass it. Of course, the government with an astounding majority supported by 25% Uncontested MPs could pass any legislation.
For example recently the government introduced Land Ownership Bill. The Opposition had no information ahead of time. Such an important Bill should have thorough study as well as fully debated. It is the role we have to play to make sure that the smooth transition that junta had made would bear more benefits for the masses.
Though the international community had accepted the fact that the country is underway to reform; is it? A few changes here and there in the Constitution mean Reform? Throwing feeds at places where fish swam around is not reform but it could be pacification, it could be adjustments or political alignment, the most. Reform needs a program, all encompass comprehensive program for the country.
Reform Model….applicable?
The reform model that Japan applied was reviewed and presented. For over two centuries Japan had been closed to all foreigners until American warships forced Japan, in 1854, to open her ports to foreign trade.
The infuriated Japanese blamed the Tokugawa shogun - the military leader who had ruled Japan in place of the emperor - for the humiliation.
In 1867 the shogun was forced to resign and Emperor Mutsuhito announced that he had taken his traditional powers back from the shogun. The Emperor moved the capital from ancient Kyoto to Edo, which he renamed Tokyo and he assumed the name Meji meaning "enlightened rule".
During the Meji period (1868 -1912) the feudal system was abolished, and Western ideas and business contacts gained wide acceptance. The abolition of pensions to the samurai and of the ancient code of the sword led to the samurai uprising in 1877. Following its defeat the samurai caste disintegrated.
In the newly established parliament (1878) the military party began to reject European influence; it considered expansion to the continent of Asia more important than social and economic reforms. This led in 1894 to the Sino-Japanese war, when the superior Japanese forces conquered Dairen, Shantung, and Seoul. China ceded Formosa to the Japanese, and after the successful Russo-Japanese war Japan occupied Korea.
The Charter Oath of 1868 is one of the first documents written by the new Meiji leaders and reveals much about the new society they hoped to create.
By this oath Japan set up as their aim the establishment of the national weal on a broad basis and the framing of a constitution and laws.
Deliberative assemblies shall be widely established and all matters decided by public discussion.
All classes, high and low, shall unite in vigorously carrying out the administration of affairs of state.
The common people, no less than the civil and military officials, shall each be allowed to pursue his own calling so that there may be no discontent.
Evil customs of the past shall be broken off and everything based upon the just laws of Nature.
Knowledge shall be sought throughout the world so as to strengthen the foundations of imperial rule.
The oath was written by the new leaders and given to the newly restored emperor to present to the people.

Role of Opposition in Future Political Scenario
One of the top responsible leaders of the Myanmar Legislature revealed that there is a resistance in their Administration that does not want to accept the new way of governance. The Opposition should be aware of that.
Let alone the new government lacks experience in the democratic form of governance, the opposition, some are out of touch, some have no experience. Both sides have to be very careful in leading each other, and it is the responsibility of both sides to avoid a situation where a blind is leading a blind. International expertise in governance, as well as running the national economy and finances should be welcomed and encourage international community to share as well as assist us in our endeavor in rehabilitating the country.
Just going against the Government alone would not make the country prosper. Internal conflicts would undermine development and the class parity with the neighboring countries would be too vast if we cannot reduce the conflict level.
The Opposition will have to give timely advice to the Government for the development of the country and to have good governance; will have to give full support on the measures undertaken by the Government if they are for the betterment of the country.
People will encourage more and more if the Opposition poked at the weaknesses of the Government. But just for the sake of attacking the Government one becomes Opposition is meaningless. Opposition’s duties are to make sure there is peace, and national unity; the release of and having no more political prisoners; advice the Government on peasants and labor issues in good stead.
Last but not least, the oppositions would have to make sure that the government upholds the country’s Neutral Foreign Policy and the country remains on the course of genuine Free Market Economy.
Conclusion
I would like to make a concluding remark with an appropriate Zart-ta-ka, a story of our Lord Buddha in his fifth embryo state of the Ten Last Incarnations before He reached the final State of Omniscience: Prince Ma-haw-tha-hta. The Buddha was the Minister of Justice in the King’s Court. One day there was a dispute for possession of a baby between the two contending ladies. The case was brought to his Court.
Ma-haw-tha-hta asked the two ladies to ‘contest a tug-of-war using the baby as the rope’.
The struggle commenced, and the real mother, after realizing the pain that the baby was going through due to their competition, released and let the baby go.
So, announcing the fake mother as winner, Ma-haw-tha-hta passed the judgment as follows: ‘Clearly, the Lady who has the Baby in possession is the winner, but she could not be the real mother because she has no compunction whatsoever even when the Baby was suffering from the pain due to their competition; therefore, the Baby must be given to the real and rightful mother who lost in the competition’.
Politics in Myanmar is uniquely unique. Our people had suffered enough. They had gone through more than four decades of mismanagement, state of uncertainty, brutality and many untold stories. Enough is enough and we in the Opposition will dutifully discharge our honored duties and responsibilities for the betterment of the people, no-matter-what.
Freedom, Justice and Equality are the three Mantras we will be reciting as long as we are allowed to recite, devotedly, of course. Thank you.

Conference on “Myanmar after the 2010 Elections”

2012-01-29T03:39:00.003+07:00

Jointly organized by

Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC), CityU and

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), Germany

Date: 26 and 27 January 2012

Time: 9:00 am – 5:00pm

Venue: Multi-media Conference Room, City University of Hong Kong

This conference will focus on the surprising socio-political and economic changes have recently taken place in Myanmar in the wake of the 2010 elections and which have attracted world-wide attention. It will examine the prospect for further political liberalization in the context of the reforms that have already taken place.

(The Southeast Asia Research Centre organized a workshop on Problems with the National Reconciliation Process in Myanmar in 2009. The 2009 workshop examined Myanmar politics under the military rule. This 2012 conference can be considered a sequel to this earlier workshop.)

Speakers and Discussants

1. Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Associate Director of SEARC and Assistant Professor of AIS, CityU

2. Robert Taylor, Visiting Professional Fellow, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore

3. Ko Ko Hlaing, Presidential Adviser, Government of Myanmar

4. Thu Wai, Chairman, Democrat Party, Myanmar

5. Wa Wa Tun, President, Myanmar Women Entrepreneur Association, Yangon, Myanmar

6. Myint Su, Freelance Consultant and Community Development Worker, Yangon, Myanmar

7. Zaw Zaw Han, Civil Society Activist and Founder and CEO of the Forever Group, Yangon, Myanmar

8. Hla Maung Shwe, Vice-President, Myanmar Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Yangon, Myanmar

9. Soe Thein, Chief editor, Namath Khitai journal, Yangon, Myanmar

10. Aung Naing Oo, Bahu Institute, Chiangmai, Thailand

11. Thihan Myo-Nyun, Attorney and Legal Scholar, School of Law, Case Western Reserve University, Ohio, USA

12. Winston Set Aung, Consultant and Presidential Adviser, Government of Myanmar

13. Tin Htut Oo, Consultant, Yangon, Myanmar

14. Nyunt Maung Shein, Retired Director-General, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Myanmar

15. Kyee Myint, Retired Director General, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Myanmar

16. Mary Callahan, University of Washington, USA

17. Andreas List, Ambassador, European Union

18. Li Chanyang, Director, Southeast Asia Centre, Yunnan University, Kunming, China

19. U Ye Htut, Ministry of Information

20. U Chit Khaing, President, Myanmar Rice Merchants Association

21. Aung Naing Oo, Bahu Institute, Chiangmai, Thailand

22. Saw Yong Paing Shan, Nationalities Democracy Party, Yangon, Myanmar

23. Chit Than, Freelance Consultant, Myanmar

24. Andy Hall, Consultant to the Human Rights and Development Foundation

25. Nyo Ohn Myint, National League for Democracy, Liberated Area

26. Bo Bo Kyaw Nyein, Political Commentator, Myanmar

27. Lian Sakhong, Chin Political Activist

Conference Overview

On March 30, 2011, Myanmar’s long ruling military government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), handed over power to a new civilian government that came into being in the wake of the SPDC-sponsored elections held in November 2010. Because all administrative and legislative bodies both at the central and local levels were controlled by members of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), many political activists and Myanmar watchers did not expect much change under the new government. However, on August 19, 2011, to the surprise of many, President Thein Sein met pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in his official residence. Two days earlier, the president invited exile activists to return to the country. When Aung San Suu Kyi attended a government-sponsored conference on macro-economic reforms, she was welcomed as a “very very important person” (VVIP). Several senior government officials were very friendly towards her and many well-known cronies of senior government officials who in the past stayed away from members of the opposition lined up for a photo opportunity with the lady.

Aung San Suu Kyi publicly stated that she was very encouraged by the meeting and that she had trust in the president’s determination to bring about political change to the country, including on the issue of democracy. For the first time in its history, the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) issued a statement with positive comments about the government a few days after their leader met with President Thein Sein. While major EU countries welcomed the meeting, the United Nations’ human rights rapporteur Mr Quintana noted in a statement issued at the end of his recent visit to Myanmar that there were “real opportunities for positive and meaningful developments to improve the human rights situation and bring about a genuine transition to democracy”. On the other hand, many exile activists still have reservations about the sincerity of the president. Some have gone so far as to claim that what the president has done has been little more than a publicity stunt and that there was no difference between the new civilian government and the predecessor military regime.

When President Thein Sein suspended the controversial Myitsone dam project (jointly developed with Chinese construction companies) in response to the rejection of the project by civil society groups, the US and EU governments praised the decision. Even some exile activists began to opine that the new Myanmar government should be given a chance to prove itself different from its predecessor.

Myanmar has long defied some major social science theories and the expectations of both social scientists and journalists. Although some political transition theories speculated that military governments would not last very long, the military rule in Myanmar has lasted several decades. At the same time, although several Myanmar watchers had argued that the political liberalization undertaken by the military council that ruled the country between 1988 and 2011 would be meaningless, recent changes have indicated that real political change might be in the making. Therefore, it is a high time to examine how the emergence of the new government has affected Myanmar politics, economy, civil society space and foreign relations and how the recent political changes, especially the relations between the government and the opposition should be understood. This conference at the South East Asia Research Centre of the City University of Hong Kong will bring together 26 top scholars, political consultants, human rights activists, journalists as well as government and opposition representatives to discuss these important and timely issues.

Wai Hnin Pwint Thone on Burma’s Reform

2012-01-25T20:58:00.013+07:00

On Friday 13 January I was able to speak with my father Ko Mya Aye, a free man again after being jailed in 2007 for his role in organising protests against the Burmese dictatorship. I
was shaking, so excited; I could hardly believe it was true. There have been so
many broken promises in the past, so many times when releases were promised and
didn't happen, or where only a small number were released and my father was
left in jail. He was held in a remote prison, at one point even on death row,
and was denied medical treatment for a life-threatening heart condition. I
feared I may never see him again.

As a refugee living inLondon, I still can't see him, but just to hear his voice was wonderful. Typically for him, it
didn't take long for him to start talking about politics, and one of his main concerns is the political prisoners still left behind in jail. "We must
campaign together for their release," he said.

Of course I agreed,
but at the same time there is a part of me which is anxious and scared. This
isn't the first time my father has been arrested and released. And I fear it
won't be the last. My father and other political prisoners are being released but with no apology and no acknowledgment that they should never have been in jail in the first place.
This wasn't a true amnesty or pardon, the sentences have just been suspended. They
still have criminal records, and receive no compensation, no support for the
medical care they need to recover from torture, mistreatment and psychological
abuses. They receive no support to rebuild their lives. There is no attempt at
reconciliation. Instead they are expected to be grateful for being released.

The laws under which he was arrested remain
in place. There is change, but not yet reform. Nothing that has taken place so far is irreversible.
There is nothing to stop him being jailed again for campaigning for democracy and human rights.
This is one of the reasons why despite seemingly positive steps by the military-backed government, many of us are still very cautious. Are they doing this as a genuine
move towards democracy, or just to try to get sanctions lifted? After all,
they only just brought in a new constitution which gives the military the power
not only to effectively overrule the government and parliament, but also places
them outside their control. It was Thein Sein, the new president, who oversaw
the drafting of that constitution. Having just drafted a constitution which
gives them absolute power, are they really about to give that power up?
My father also spoke about U Shwe Htoo, a prisoner of conscience who wasn't on the list of those released today, or on other lists of political prisoners. They became friends when held together in Liokaw prison. The case of U Shwe Htoo is an example of why it is so important
that independent international monitors be given access to Burma's prisons and
are able make an independent assessment of how many political prisoners remain
in jail.
Some people are now arguing that the release of these political prisoners is proof that there is genuine reform in Burma, and that sanctions should now be lifted. I ask them to remember that in mid-2007 there were around a thousand political prisoners in Burma. This was considered
unacceptable, and the European Union, US, Canada, and Australia
were debating whether to increase sanctions. Following the uprising in late
2007 the number of political prisoners almost doubled. My father was one of
those jailed. Now, after all the excitement about these releases, there are
still possibly around a thousand political prisoners in Burma's jails.
Compared to the situation last year, it looks like we have come a long way.
Compared to the situation five years ago, it looks like we have stood still.
I wish I could have been with my family as they celebrated on Friday night. But the next day my
father was having meetings with colleagues. It was back to work. Many prisoners
have been released, but many also remain. Even if all the political prisoners
are eventually released, and if there are ceasefires that reduce human rights
abuses against ethnic people by the Burmese army, that is just one part of the
problem. The political system responsible for these abuses has not been
reformed. We still don't have a democratic society or the rule of law. While
this is the case, we still need international pressure to support real reform.

The laws under which he was arrested remain
in place. There is
change, but not yet reform. Nothing that has taken place so far is irreversible.
There is nothing to stop him being jailed again for campaigning for democracy
and human rights.
This is one of the reasons why despite
seemingly positive steps by the military-backed government, many of us are
still very cautious. Are they doing this as a genuine
move towards democracy, or just to try to get sanctions lifted? After all,
they only just brought in a new constitution which gives the military the power
not only to effectively overrule the government and parliament, but also places
them outside their control. It was Thein Sein, the new president, who oversaw
the drafting of that constitution. Having just drafted a constitution which
gives them absolute power, are they really about to give that power up?
My father also spoke about U Shwe Htoo, a
prisoner of conscience who wasn't on the list of those released today, or on
other lists of political prisoners. They became friends when held together in
Liokaw prison. The case of U Shwe Htoo is an example of why it is so important
that independent international monitors be given access to Burma's prisons and
are able make an independent assessment of how many political prisoners remain
in jail.
Some people are now arguing that the
release of these political prisoners is proof that there is genuine reform in Burma, and that
sanctions should now be lifted. I ask them to remember that in mid-2007 there
were around a thousand political prisoners in Burma. This was considered
unacceptable, and the European Union, US, Canada,
and Australia
were debating whether to increase sanctions. Following the uprising in late
2007 the number of political prisoners almost doubled. My father was one of
those jailed. Now, after all the excitement about these releases, there are
still possibly around a thousand political prisoners in Burma's jails.
Compared to the situation last year, it looks like we have come a long way.
Compared to the situation five years ago, it looks like we have stood still.
I wish I could have been with my family as they celebrated on Friday night. But the next day my
father was having meetings with colleagues. It was back to work. Many prisoners
have been released, but many also remain. Even if all the political prisoners
are eventually released, and if there are ceasefires that reduce human rights
abuses against ethnic people by the Burmese army, that is just one part of the
problem. The political system responsible for these abuses has not been
reformed. We still don't have a democratic society or the rule of law. While
this is the case, we still need international pressure to support real reform.

McCain and Company with Shwe Mahn.

Only Fools will say Reform is underway in Burma

FACT SHEET on Political Activities

2012-01-21T06:16:00.014+07:00

On January 14 at 09:30 hr an Australian Member of Parliament, Ms. Janelle Saffin, Federal Member for Page, [Janelle has been active in the Australian Labor Party since 1982 and served in the NSW Legislative Council from 1995 to 2003. From 2004 until 2007, Janelle was senior political adviser to His Excellency Dr Jose Ramos-Horta while the Nobel Laureate was Timor Leste’s Foreign Minister, Defence Minister, Prime Minister and President. Janelle became the first female to represent the rural seat of Page, wresting it from the Nationals in 2007. As the local member, Janelle has done what she said she would do, and ensured Canberra pays attention to this area. She has attracted much needed services in health, education, and community infrastructure. In August 2010 Janelle was re-elected to serve a second term as the Federal Member for Page.] accompanied by Mr. Eugene Khwa, Australian Educational Advisor to Myanmar met with DPM Chairman U Thu Wai, Secretary General Daw Than Than Nu and General Secretary Daw Cho Cho Kyaw Nyein at Park Royal Hotel, Yangon; the main topic discussed was on Australian Political Education Program for Myanmar.
DPM Leaders were informed that Australian Education Training Director for Myanmar will arrive by the end of January. Political parties will be invited to attend the Australian Training Program. The Program will deal with: democratic electioneering, selecting representatives for the constituencies, nature and characteristic of civil society, and how to become a good leader, etc.

The Australian MP had visited Myanmar before and was interested in educating Myanmerese youth. ‘Only now the program can be implemented’ Janelle lamented, and is sharing ideas with the DPM Leaders to promote the Program.
On January 15 at 13:00 hr the inauguration of All Myanmar Youth Organization was held at the No. 151, 6th Floor, Upper Pazundaung Street, Pazundaung, Yangon.

The four prominent personas, Daw Than Than Nu from DPM, Author Maung Wun Tha [Pyithu Khit], U Saing Saing from NLD, and Author Soe Oate gave speeches relating Youth and Youth Participation in Politics.

About 70 Youth attended the inauguration. Daw Than Than Nu was accompanied by DPM Treasurer U Aung Nyein, DPM Chief of Info Bureau U Hla Myint, and DPM CC Member Daw Minnie Thinn Kyaw. The ceremony ended at 16:00 hr.
On January 16 All Religious Denomination Peace Prayer Meeting was held in Yangon. DPM Leaders Daw Than Than Nu, Daw Cho Cho Kyaw Nyein, U Aung Nyein, U Hla Myint and Daw Minnie Thinn Kyaw attended the ceremony.

Four major religions in Myanmar, viz. Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Islam moved together for the Socio-religious Peaceful harmony throughout the country especially among the religious groups, to achieve ethnic harmonious embracement and for the national reconciliation.

On December 27, 2011 Jewish Community of Myanmar celebrated Hanukkah in Yangon. DPM Deputy Leader Daw Than Than Nu lighted the Candles for the Jewish Community.

Annually held important event in Yangon took place on January 18. Famous Author and Poet ‘Dagon’ Taya, contemporary to Bogyoke Aung San, U Kyaw Nyein and many Rangoon University 1936 Strike Leaders celebrated his Pre-Birth Day Party at Mahar Thanti Thukha Buddhist Monastery, Yangon where many friends, old and young alike, old and current politicians – both used and unused alike, poets and authors, 88 Generation Leaders attended the ceremony.

တာရာမဂၢဇင္းမွ တဂုံတာရာ၏ စာတပုဒ္

2011-12-30T21:01:00.001+07:00

အလုပ္သမားမ်ားအေပၚ အိမ္ပိုင္ေျမပိုင္ ရရွိေအာင္ ေတာင္းဆိုေပးသည့္ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီ(ျမန္မာ)မွ ေဒၚတင္တင္ျမကို စည္ပင္သာယာက တရားစြဲဆို

ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း ေတာင္ဥကၠလာၿမိဳဳ႕နယ္တြင္ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားအား ႀကိဳတင္ အေၾကာင္းၾကားျခင္း မရွိပဲ စည္ပင္သာယာမွ အတင္းအက်ပ္ အိမ္ေျမမ်ား ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းခိုင္းသည့္အတြက္ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီ(ျမန္မာ)မွ ဗဟို စည္းရံုးေရးမွဴး တာဝန္ခံ ေဒၚတင္တင္ျမက အလုပ္သမားမ်ား ဘက္မွေန၍ အိမ္ပိုင္ေျမပိုင္ ရရွိေအာင္ ေတာင္းဆို ေပးခဲ့သျဖင့္ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း စည္ပင္သာယာေရးက တရား စြဲဆိုခဲ့ေၾကာင္းကို ေဒၚတင္တင္ျမ ကိုယ္တိုင္ ဘားမားဗီေဂ် မီဒီယာ သို႔ ေျပာၾကား သြားခဲ့ပါသည္။

\\ အျပည့္အစံုဖတ္ရန္

အာဏာအေမြ အသက္ ၀င္-မ၀င္

2011-12-19T12:51:00.015+07:00

"Dear Leader" of North Korea (officially, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea),

၂၀၁၁ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၁၇ရက္ စေနေန႔ နံနက္ ၈ နာရီ ခြဲ အခ်ိန္တြင္ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေျမာက္ကုိးရီးယား အလုပ္သမားပါတီအေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴး ေျမာက္ကုိးရီးယား ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကာကြယ္ေရးေကာ္မတီဥကၠဌ- အသက္ ၆၉ ႏွစ္အရြယ္ ကင္ဂ်ံဳအီ ေသဆံုးျပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား ႏိုင္ငံပိုင္ ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားက တနလၤာေန႔က ေၾကညာခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ကင္ဂ်ံဳအီသည္ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ႏိုင္ငံကို တည္ေထာင္သူ ကင္အီေဆာင္၏ သားျဖစ္ျပီး ၎၏ ဖခင္ အသက္ ၈၂ ႏွစ္အရြယ္တြင္ ႏွလံုးေရာဂါျဖင့္ ကြယ္လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္မွ စတင္၍ ႏိုင္ငံ့ အာဏာကို ရယူခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား ရုပ္သံသတင္းေၾကျငာသူက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကင္သည္ ၎၏ ျပည္သူ လူထုအတြက္ ဘဝကို ျမဳပ္ႏွံျပီး အလုပ္လုပ္ခဲ့ေသာေၾကာင့္ အလုပ္ဝန္ပိကာ ေသဆံုးရျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေၾကာင္း ေၾကျငာခဲ့သည္။

ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား အာဏာရွင္ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကင္မ္ဂ်ံဳအီလ္သည္
Party Center of the WPK (1970s)
Vice-Chairman, WPK Central Committee (1972–80)
Dear Leader (Chinaehanuen Jidoja) (late 1970s–1994)
Intelligent Leader (1973–84)
Member, Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK
Secretary of the Worker's Party of Korea (1980–94)
Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army (25 December 1991–17 December 2011)
Marshal of the DPRK (1993–2011)
Chairman, National Defense Commission of North Korea (1993–2011)
Great Leader (Widehan Ryongdoja) (July 1994 – December 2011)
General Secretary, Workers Party of Korea (1997–2011)
Supreme Leader of the People's Republic (2009–2011) စသည္ျဖင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့သည္။

ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား၏ နာမည္ဆိုးျဖင့္ ေက်ာ္ၾကားေသာ အာဏာရွင္ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္သည္ (၂၀၀၈)ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက ေလျဖတ္ေ၀ဒနာကို ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ ခံစားခဲ့ရဖူးေသာ္လည္း ျပန္လည္ သက္သာလာကာ တရုတ္၊ ရုရွားတို႔ႏွင့္ ဆက္ဆံေရး တိုးျမွင့္မႈမ်ားကို အားႀကိဳးမာန္တက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ေသးသည္။
ထိုအေတာအတြင္း ဆယ္စုႏွစ္သံုးခုအတြင္း ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား၏ အႀကီးမားဆံုး ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆုိင္ရာ အထူးအစည္းအေ၀းပြဲ မတုိင္မီ နာရီပိုင္းအလိုတြင္ ၄င္း၏ အငယ္ဆံုးသား အသက္ ၂၇ ႏွစ္အရြယ္ရွိ ကင္ဂ်ံဳအန္အား ၾကယ္ေလးပြင့္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး အဆင့္သို႔ ရာထူးတုိးျမႇင့္ ခန္႔ထားေပးလုိက္သည္။
ကင္ဂ်ံဳအီ၏ ႏွမျဖစ္သူ ကင္ဂ်ံဳေဟြးအားလည္း ၾကယ္ေလးပြင့္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးအဆင့္ ရာထူးသို႔ တစ္ခ်ိန္တည္းတြင္ တိုးျမႇင့္ေပးခဲ့သည္။ ေနာင္တစ္ခ်ိန္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးသည္ က်န္းမာေရးအရ ရာထူးမွဖယ္ေပးရလွ်င္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ေသဆံုးသြားလွ်င္ေသာ္ လည္းေကာင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရးရာကိစၥမ်ားတြင္ သူ၏သားအား ႏွမျဖစ္သူက ထိန္းသိမ္းေစာင့္ေရွာက္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ခဲ့သည္။
သို႕ေသာ္ ကင္ဂ်ဳံအန္းသည္ ျပည္ပတြင္ အခ်ိန္အေတာ္ၾကာေနထိုင္ခဲ့သူျဖစ္၍ လက္ရွိႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ အျပည့္အ၀ယံုၾကည္မႈရရန္ ခက္ခဲဦးမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကရန္းဖီးတကၠသိုလ္မွ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားေရးရာကၽြမ္းက်င္သူ ပါေမာကၡေဟဇယ္စမစ္က ဆုိသည္။

မည္သို႕ပင္ျဖစ္ေစသူ၏ေနရာကိုဆက္ခံရန္ ေရြးခ်ယ္မႈကို စနစ္တက် အစပ်ိဳးထားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ကင္ဂ်ံဳအန္သည္ ဆြစ္ဇလန္ႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ပညာသင္ၾကားခဲ့၍ ၄င္း၏႐ုပ္ပံုကို ႏုိင္ငံျပင္ပတြင္ တစ္ႀကိမ္မွ် ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ဘူးျခင္း မရွိေခ်။
သူသည္ သူ၏အဖိုး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး ကင္အီဆြန္းႏွင့္ ပိုၿပီး တူေစရန္ ၆ႀကိမ္ မ်က္ႏွာခြဲစိတ္ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ ျပဳလုပ္ ခဲ့ဖူးသည္။ သူသည္ ကင္ဂ်ံဳအီ၏ တတိယဇနီး ျဖစ္သူ Ko Yong-Hi မွ ၁၉၈၃ခုႏွစ္ သို႔မဟုတ္ ၈၄ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေမြးဖြားခဲ့သည္ဟု ယူဆရသည္။
၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေလျဖတ္ေဝဒနာ သိသိသာသာ ခံစားခဲ့ရေသာ ကင္ဂ်ံဳအီသည္ သူ၏ အငယ္ဆံုးသားျဖစ္သူ ကင္ဂ်ံုအမ္ ကို ႏ်ဴကလီးယား လက္နက္မ်ား ပိုင္ဆိုင္ေသာ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ႏိုင္ငံရွိ ျပည္သူလူထု ၂၄သန္း၏ ႏိုင္ငံေခါင္းေဆာင္ တစ္ေယာက္ ျဖစ္လာေစရန္ လက္သပ္ ေမြးခဲ့ဖြယ္ ရွိသည္။ ကင္ဂ်ံဳအီ၏ က်န္းမာေရး အေျခအေနေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္း မတည္ျငိမ္မႈမ်ား ျမင့္တက္လာျပီး အကယ္၍ သူကြယ္လြန္ခဲ့ပါက အ႐ိုက္အရာ ဆက္ခံသူ မခန္႔အပ္ႏိုင္ဘဲ က်န္ခဲ့မည့္ အေျခအေနအတြက္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္သစ္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ပြဲကို ၾကိဳတင္ စီစဥ္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း လက္သပ္ ေမြးခဲ့သည့္အခ်ိန္ တိုေတာင္းေသးသည္။

Kim Jong-un (Korean: 김 정 은,[1] Hanja: 金正恩,) also known as Kim Jong-eun or Kim Jung-eun, formerly Kim Jong-woon or Kim Jung-woon (born 1983 or early 1984),is the third and youngest son of deceased North Korean leader Kim Jong-il and his consort Ko Young-hee.

အသက္ ၂၇ ႏွစ္ အရြယ္ရွိတဲ့ ကင္ဂ်ံဳအန္ဟာ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ ့အႀကီးအကဲ ျဖစ္လာမွာ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားဗဟို စစ္ေကာ္မရွင္ ရဲ ့ဥကၠဌ အျဖစ္ ကို လည္း ရရွိေတာ့မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လက္ရွိ မွာ စစ္ေကာ္မရွင္ ရဲ ့ဒုတိယ ဥကၠဌ အျဖစ္ လည္း တာ၀န္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ ေနပါတယ္။

ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား က အခု လို ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ အာဏာရွင္ အေမြ ဆက္ခံ တာနဲ ့ပတ္သက္ၿပီးႏိုင္ငံတကာက ေ၀ဖန္ မႈ ေတြ ရွိေန သလို ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အခ်ိဳ ့နဲ ့ျပည္သူေတြ ကလဲ ေ၀ဖန္ ျပစ္တင္မႈ ေတြ ရွိေနပါတယ္။

၁၉၉၆ က စတင္ခ် မွတ္ခဲ့ေသာ ေျမာက္ကိုရီယားေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး ကင္ဂ်ံဳအီ၏ ရာ သက္ပန္ ရာဇာပလႅင္ျမဲေရး မဟာဗ်ဴဟာေျမာက္ ‘ဆြန္ဂန္’ ေပၚလစီႏွင့္ ေျမာက္ကိုရီယားျပည္သူမ်ား လံုးေထြးရစ္ပတ္မႈ မည္မွ်ရွိေနသည္ကို ယခုမၾကာမွီ မ်က္၀ါးထင္ထင္ ျမင္ရေတာ့မည္။
**ဆြန္ဂန္ (စစ္တပ္ပထမ) ေပၚလစီ ျဖစ္္သည္။

ဆြန္ဂန္ေပၚလစီေၾကာင့္ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားမွာ နယူးကလီယားလက္နက္ပိုင္လာၿပီး ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားကၽြန္း ဆြယ္သည္ သမုိင္းတြင္ ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္အျဖစ္ အေမရိကန္အာဏာစက္အာက္မွ ႐ုန္းထြက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။ အီ ရတ္လို ကံၾကမၼာမ်ဳိးမွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ခဲ့သည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားက အာကာသလမ္းေၾကာင္းထဲကို ႏ်ဴကလီယား ပစ္လႊတ္ၿပီးေသာ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားႏွင့္ ဆက္ဆံေရးျဖတ္ေတာက္ထားေသာ ႏိုင္ ငံမ်ား အေျပးအလႊား သံတမန္ဆက္ဆံေရး ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္လာၾကသည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာပိတ္ဆို႔ အေရးယူမႈမ်ားကို တစစီ ႐ုိက္ခ်ဳိးႏုိင္လုိက္သည္ဟု အခ်ိဳ႕ ပညာရွင္မ်ားက ဆန္းစစ္ျပသည္။

ထုိေအာင္ျမင္မႈဆိုသည္မ်ားသည္ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားက (၂၄) သန္းေသာ ျပည္သူမ်ားကို မည္သုိ႔အက်ဳိး ျဖစ္ထြန္းေစသည္ကို - ၿပီးခ့ဲ့သည့္ ဆယ္စုအတြင္း စားနပ္ ရိကၡာျပတ္လပ္မႈေၾကာင့္ လူသန္းခ်ီၿပီး ေသဆံုးခဲ့ရျခင္း ကမၻာေပၚတြင္ ျပည္ပအလွဴရွင္မ်ားထံမွ ရိကၡာကုိ မီွ ခုိရာ၌ အီသီယိုးပီးယားၿပီးလွ်င္ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားက ဒုတိယျဖစ္ျခင္း ယူနီဆက္ဖ္၏ အစီရင္ခံစာအရ က ေလးတရာတြင္ (၇) ဦးမွ (၃၇) ဦးသည္ အာဟာရမျပည့္၀ၾက ကေလးမိခင္မ်ားတြင္လည္း (၃) ေယာက္ တြင္ (၁) ေယာက္သည္ အာဟာရမျပည့္၀ဟုဆုိျခင္း တို႕ႏွင့္ တိုင္းတာဖို႕ လိုေပမည္။

ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားစစ္တပ္အင္အားမွာ လူ (၂၄) သန္းရွိေသာ တုိင္းျပည္တြင္ အျမဲတမ္းစစ္တပ္ အင္အား တသန္းႏွင့္ ႏွစ္သိန္းရွိသည္။ က်န္းမာသန္စြမ္းေသာ အရြယ္ အသက္ (၁၇-၅၄) အၾကား လူဦးေရ၏ (၅) ပံု (၁) ပံုသည္ စစ္သားမ်ား ျဖစ္ေနသည္။ ထုိ႔အျပင္ (၆) သန္းကို အရံအင္အားအျဖစ္ ထားသည္ဟုဆုိသည္။

ျပည္ပရန္ ကာကြယ္ေရးအတြက္ စစ္ တပ္ကို အင္အားရွိဖို႔လုိသည္ဆုိမွာ သဘာ၀ေဘးအႏၱရာယ္ ႏွင့္ တလြဲစီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ တုိင္းျပည္စီးပြားေရး က်ပ္တည္းလာေသာအခ်ိန္တြင္ တတုိင္းျပည္လံုး အာခံမ လာေအာင္ စစ္ဇာတ္သြင္းခဲ့ျခင္းျပဳ ပီး အာဏာျမဲေရးအတြက္ စစ္တပ္ကို အပုိင္ကိုင္ထားသည့္ “အဖိုးကင္”

“အေဖကင္” “သားကင္” ကင္နန္းဆက္ကို ကင္ဂ်ံဳအီ၏ ဖခင္ ကင္အီဆြန္ လက္ထက္(၁၉၉၁)ကပင္ ျပည္သူလူထုေခါင္းထဲကို ရုိက္သြင္းခံထားရသည္ကိုလည္းျမင္တတ္ဇို႕ လိုမည္။

ႀကံ့ဖြံ႔နဲ႔ ေပါင္းျခင္းမဟုတ္ဟု ဆို

2011-12-14T08:39:00.003+07:00

ျပည္တြင္း ဂ်ာနယ္တခ်ဳိ႕တြင္ ေရးသားေဖာ္ျပထားေသာ ႀကံ့ခိုင္ေရးပါတီႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းသည္ ဆိုသည္မွာ မဟုတ္မွန္ေၾကာင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီမိတ္ေဆြမ်ားပါတီ ၁ဝ ပါတီက ေျဖရွင္းလိုက္သည္။
မဂၤလာေတာင္ညြန္႔ၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ သိမ္ျဖဴလမ္းရွိ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီ(ျမန္မာ)႐ုံးတြင္ တနလၤာေန႔က သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ ျပဳလုပ္၍ ေျဖရွင္းလိုက္ၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
“က်ေနာ္တို႔က ပူးေပါင္းတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ လံုးဝ မပူးေပါင္းဘူး။ တူတာေတြကုိ လက္တြဲလုပ္ေနတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ လက္တြဲ ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႔ပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္” ဟု ရွင္းအမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီ SNDP မွ ဦးေစာသန္းျမင့္က ေျပာသည္။
ဒီမိုကေရစီ ၁၀ ပါတီ မဟာမိတ္အဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ လက္ရွိအာဏာရ ၾက့ံဖြံ႔ပါတီတို႔ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၄ ရက္ေန႔က ျမကၽြန္းသာ စားေသာက္ဆိုင္တြင္ ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့ၾကသည္ကို ဂ်ာနယ္အခ်ိဳ႕က ပူးေပါင္းၾကေၾကာင္း ေရးသားခဲ့ၾကသည္။
“ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြကို ဖတ္ၿပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကို ျပည္သူက သေဘာမက်ဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေရးသားပံုေတြ လြဲေနတဲ့ အေၾကာင္း အခုလို ေခၚယူေျပာဆိုတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္”ဟု NDF ဥကၠ႒ ေဒါက္တာသန္းၿငိမ္းက ေျပာသည္။
၎က ဆက္လက္၍ “က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔ သေဘာတူခဲ့တာက ႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ပဲ ဦးတည္ေဆြးေႏြးမယ္လို႔ ေျပာၿပီးမွ ေတြ႔ခဲ့တာပါ။ အခုလို ေဆြးေႏြးတာ ျဖစ္လာတာက ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ႏွစ္ဖက္ၾကားမွာ ယံုၾကည္မႈကို မတည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္လို႔ နားလည္မႈ မတည္ေထာင္ႏိုင္လို႔ ျပႆနာေတြ ၾကံဳခဲ့ရတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံလည္း နစ္နာခဲ့တယ္။ ေရွ႕မွာ ယံုၾကည္မႈ၊ နားလည္မႈ မရခဲ့တဲ့အေပၚမွာ ေျပေလ်ာ့သြားႏိုင္ေအာင္ ႀကိဳးစားသြားႏိုင္ဖို႔ဆိုတာ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔ လိုအပ္တယ္။ ေနာက္ထပ္ အေျခအေနေကာင္းေတြ ေပၚေပါက္လာေအာင္ ၾကိဳးစားရမယ္” ဟု ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
ၾကံ့ဖြံ႔ပါတီမွ ကမ္းလွမ္းသည့္ ေသာၾကာေန႔ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတြင္ မိတ္ေဆြပါတီမ်ားထဲမွ ၈ ပါတီ တက္ေရာက္ၿပီး ၾကံ့ဖြံ႔ပါတီမွ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းတာဝန္ခံ ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္း တဦးတည္းသာ လာေရာက္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီ (ျမန္မာ) ဥကၠ႒ ဦးသုေဝက “သူ(ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္း) ဘာေျပာလဲဆိုေတာ့ ေတြ႔ေတြ႔ခ်င္း ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔နဲ႔ မိတ္ေဆြ ျဖစ္ခ်င္ေနတာၾကာၿပီ။ ေတြ႔တာကလည္း မိတ္ေဆြျဖစ္ခ်င္လို႔ ေျပာတယ္။ ဒီႏိုင္ငံကို ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားမွ လာၿပီး လႊမ္းမိုးအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာ လက္မခံဘူးတဲ့ အဲဒါ သူေျပာတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကလည္း ဒါေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔လည္း သေဘာတူတာပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔လည္း ႀကိဳက္တာပဲလို႔” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
မိတ္ေဆြ ၁၀ ပါတီအေနျဖင့္ ၾကံ့ဖြံ႔ပါတီ၊ NLD ၊ တစည အပါအဝင္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္တူသည့္ မည့္သည့္ပါတီမဆို လက္တြဲလုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ ႀကိဳဆိုေၾကာင္း ဦးေစာသန္းျမင့္က ေျပာသည္။
ဒီမိုကေရစီ မိတ္ေဆြ ၁ဝ ပါတီဟူသည္မွာ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ဒီမိုကေရစီပါတီ၊ ညီညြတ္ေရးႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပါတီ၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပါတီ၊ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီ (ျမန္မာ)၊ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစု၊ ရွမ္းတိုင္းရင္းသား မ်ား ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ ပါတီ၊ ရခိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ၊ ခ်င္းအမ်ိဳးသားပါတီ၊ မြန္ေဒသလံုးဆိုင္ရာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပါတီႏွင့္ ဖလံု-စေဝၚဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီတို႔ ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။

မင္းသက္
ရန္ကုန္ (မဇၩိမ) ။ ။

FACT SHEET on Political Activities Dec– 2011.

The 10 Fraternity Democracy Party [FDP] discussed 4 Point Agenda with the Rangoon Division USDP Political Commissar Aung Thein Lynn – the main point being: ‘prior to the introduction of important Bills in the parliament by the ruling party all political parties should be briefed’, as related by NDF Chairman Dr. Than Nyein.

The invitation was made by USDP and the 10 FDP acquiesced. At the Meeting 10 FDP conveyed three main issues: ‘Land Ownership Law, Releasing Political Prisoners, and Resolving Armed Conflicts’.

Dr. Than Nyein lamented: ‘please do make us aware and known prior to the actual presentation in the Parliament because the Land Ownership Law recently introduced was totally unknown to us as we have no means of having prior knowledge; we found out only after the Lower House had passed the Bill; then and then only, in a big hurry, we had to study and gave our opinions’; that was exactly what he told Aung Thein Lynn.

USDP MP [USDP Sec Gen] U Htay Oo introduced the Land Ownership Bill on August 30th.

The MPs from opposition parties, it seems, were not informed ahead of time to study the Bills introduced by the ruling party and therefore ‘out of Parliament’ meeting is a kind of compromise and concession.

On October 6 the House of Nationalities decided that Htay Oo’s Land Ownership Bill is ‘a continuous assignment to have sound fundamentals’.

It was also decided that ‘for the Land Ownership Bill the Union Government activates policy initiatives, collecting data and statistics, and then only either by the Union Government or Union level institution redraw the Bill’.

Karen Phaloan Sa Wor Party and Shan National Development Party leaders were unable to attend Dec 4th Meeting with USDP Representative

Aung Thein Lynn at Inya Lake Mya Kyun Thar Restaurant; nevertheless, the two parties were unable to attend the 10 FDP Meeting held on Dec 3rd to dramatize for the Dec 4th Meeting.

အျဖဴေရာင္ အံုၾကြမႈ

2011-12-12T11:12:00.009+07:00

ပါလီမန္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြမွာ မမွန္မကန္လုပ္မႈေတြလိမ္လည္မႈေတြမသမာမႈေတြ ရိွခ့ဲတယ္ လုိ႔ ျပည္သူအမ်ားအျပား ယူဆၾကသလုိ ေလ့လာေစာင့္ၾကည့္အကဲခတ္သူေတြကလည္း ယူဆၾကၿပီး စိတ္ဆိုး ေဒါသထြက္ေနၾကတဲ့ ႐ုရွားျပည္သူေတြကေန ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗလာဒီမီယာ ပူတင္ နဲ႔ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ႐ုရွားညီညြတ္ေရး ပါတီကုိ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၀ရက္ေန႕ က ႏုိင္ငံတ၀ွမ္း စတင္ဆႏၵျပလိုက္ၾကပါတယ္။

အဲဒီ အစဦးေန႔ ရဲ႕ပထမဦးဆံုး ဆႏၵျပပြဲေတြကေတာ့ Khabarovsk ၿမိဳ႕မွာ ဆႏၵျပသူအေယာက္ ၂၀ ေလာက္ အဖမ္းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ေ၀းလံလွတဲ့ ႐ုရွားႏုိင္ငံ အေရွ႕ျခမ္းမွာ စတင္ခဲ့ၾကတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အခုလို ႏုိင္ငံတ၀ွမ္း စုေ၀းဆႏၵျပမႈေတြဟာ ဒီတပတ္အေစာပိုင္း ဆက္တိုက္ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ဆႏၵျပပြဲေတြကို အာဏာပိုင္ေတြက အၾကမ္းဖက္ႏွိမ္နင္းမႈေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ပုိင္း ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ ဆက္ၿပီး ဆႏၵျပခဲ့ၾကတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

Kremlin နန္းေတာ္ျမစ္တဘက္ကမ္း ရင္ျပင္တစ္ခု မွ ဆႏၵျပသူသံုးေသာင္း

အရင္တပတ္က ျပဳလုပ္ခ့ဲတ့ဲ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမွာ မသမာမႈေတြ ရိွခ့ဲတယ္ ဆုိျပီး ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗလာဒီမီယာ ပူတင္ကုိ ရုရွမွာ ေထာင္ေသာင္းခ်ီတ့ဲ ျပည္သူေတြက “သူခုိးႀကီး ပူတင္” “ပူတင္ကုိ ရုရွမွာ အလုိမရိွ” ဆုိျပီး မေန႔က ဆႏၵျပၾကပါတယ္။

၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ပါတီက ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲမွာ ေနရာအနည္းအက်ဥ္းေလာက္ကိုပဲ ရရွိခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အခုက်င္းပခဲ့တဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မဲရလဒ္ေတြကေတာ့ ခ်ဲ႕ကားထားတာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ အတိုက္အခံပါတီေတြနဲ႔ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအကဲခတ္ေတြက အခိုင္အမာ ေျပာဆိုေနၾကတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တကယ္လို႔သာ လာမယ့္ မတ္လမွာက်င္းပမယ့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာလည္း မစၥတာ ပူတင္ပဲ အႏုိင္ရဖို႔ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ဦးမယ္ဆိုရင္ သူဟာ သမၼတတာ၀န္ ျပန္ယူရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဆႏၵျပပဲြထဲ ပါ၀င္လာသူေတြကေတာ့ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး၀ါဒီေတြ၊ အေနာက္နုိင္ငံေတြဘက္ ယိမ္းသူေတြ၊ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေတြ စတဲ့ အယူအဆ မတူၾကသူေတြျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ ပူတင္ကုိ စိတ္ကုန္ေနပုံေတာ့ တူေနၾကပါတာမို႕အခ်ိန္ကိုက္ အံုၾကြလာတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဆႏၵျပပဲြကို ျမိဳ႕အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ ခ်ိန္ကုိက္ျပဳလုပ္တာျဖစ္ျပီး လူ သုံးေလးေသာင္း ၀န္းက်င္ ပါ၀င္တ့ဲ ျမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ေမာ္စကုိဆႏၵျပပဲြက အႀကီးဆုံးပဲလုိ႔ ရုရွက လာတ့ဲ သတင္းမ်ားက ဆုိပါတယ္။

အေမရိကန္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီး ဟီလာရီေျမာက္ေပးလို႕ရုရွားျပည္သူေတြ အံုၾကြတယ္လို႕ဆိုတဲ့ ျပဴတင္။

လာမယ့္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၄ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ဒီထက္မ်ားတ့ဲ လူအုပ္ႀကီးနဲ႔ ဆႏၵထပ္ျပအုံးမယ္လုိ႔ အတုိက္အခံေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက ေျပာေနၾကပါတယ္။

Oh Barma!

2011-12-05T02:05:00.000+07:00

Maung Thar Kyaw

During the SLORC era the military junta published a 25 chapter booklet. The Publisher was: Colonel Hla Minn of the Military Intelligence [MI] and was distributed free of charge.

One of the chapters dealt exclusively on Aung San Su Kyi regarding her eligibility to contest in the 1990 elections. Based on that analysis Aung San Su Kyi was barred from the election contestation – out rightly.

The analysis is as follows: 14. Practising Universal Rules In The Protection Of National Security And Interest.

More specifically and importantly what most people do not realize is that in many instances Ms. Suu Kyi is erroneously referred to as an elected person or in some instances as an elected president. Ms. Suu Kyi never stood for the election because she was not eligible to contest a seat. It was not this present military government or the previous socialist government that refused Ms. Suu Kyi the right to stand for elections but ironically it was her own father, Myanmar national hero General Aung San, who wrote into the original constitution, subsequently promulgated in 1948, a clause with the provision that "any person who is under any acknowledgement of allegiance or adherence to a foreign power, or a subject or citizen is entitled to the rights and privileges of a subject or citizen of a foreign power." Thus she is not entitled to contest a seat in the country's elections. Ms. Suu Kyi resided abroad for twenty-eight years and married an Englishman (Giving her the rights to U.K. citizenship) and has 2 children both holding British citizenship. This present military government has to, as all the previous successive Myanmar Governments did, continue to honour this clause and the present national convention has also committed itself to continue to honour the said clause. This type of constitutional condition is implemented by many governments including those of developed nations. It is quite understandable that Governments do not wish to have someone in office who could be unduly influenced by any other nation or power. As a preventive measure certain rules and regulations are 18/ universally drawn up and put into effect to serve as a mechanism to protect the national security as well as the national interest of the respective countries. There is also another false assumption where her being under house restriction during the election period denied her the right to run for the 1990 election. While under house restriction the Government of Myanmar consented to Ms. Suu Kyi's request to contest the election representing Bahan Township Constituency (1) and her name was enrolled on 2nd December 1989. Objections were lodged by various individuals and political parties against the permission granted to Ms. Suu Kyi to contest the forthcoming elections with reference to the provisions of the Pyithu Hluttaw Election Law of 1989. Legally, granting Ms. Suu Kyi the right to contest the election was found to violate and contravene the following 3 articles.

(1) Section (8-b) "Law for people residing in the Union of Myanmar." Ms. Suu Kyi has given her permanent address where she resides with her husband Dr. Michael Aris and 2 sons at 15, Park Town, Oxford, in United Kingdom. Ms. Suu Kyi's name has not been registered at her mother's residence in Yangon which indicates that she is not a permanent resident of Myanmar.

(2) Section (10-e). "Persons who are under any acknowledgement of allegiance or adherence to a foreign power, or are subjects or citizens or entitled to the rights and privileges of a subject or a citizen of a foreign Power." Ms. Suu Kyi enjoys the right to reside in U.K. indefinitely. Apart from the right to vote, she enjoys all the other privileges of a British Citizen.

(3) Section (10-h)." Members of organization in armed revolt against the State, persons against whom there is sufficient grounds of having links with the said organization or with its members to revolt." Ms.Suu Kyi was found to be communicating, collaborating 19/ and harbouring a member of the armed terrorist group and this terrorist was arrested in her residential compound in Yangon together with substantial evidence.

Due to the above mentioned factors Ms. Suu Kyi was found ineligible to contest the 1990 elections. Technically it was not because she was under house restriction during the election time. More importantly, Section 10-e of the May 1989 Election Law was not a provision drawn up by the present military government but was originally drafted by her own father, General Aung San, the National Leader of Modern Myanmar in his (1947) Independence Constitution which was later to be honoured and again put in the (1974) Constitution. Again, in a similar scenario the NLD party is constantly and erroneously referred to as an opposition party. In fact, the Government of Myanmar does not regard the NLD or any other 9 legally existing political parties as opposition parties since the Government regards itself not as a political party but as a transitional government (A National Institution) taking the responsibility of discarding the Socialist One-Party System practising a Socialist Economy and paving the way for a Multi-Party Democracy by introducing a Market-Oriented Economy. In the meantime, for the benefit and interest of the nation, this present government is in the process of establishing and founding national unity, peace, stability and all-round development in the country so that Myanmar shall become in a reasonable period of time, a peaceful, prosperous and modern developed nation.

Sure enough, the present Government that stemmed from nearly five decades of military dictatorship will have to dismember what ‘His Masters’ had pushed bitter elixir down the peoples’ throat. No Government on earth amend laws for the detriment of its own but only the amendments made that will work for the betterment of their stands; and, in current Burmese Government case and context, it is not only good for the domestic consumption but also for the international community to gulp down.

Maung Thar Kyaw

To be contd. -----
December 5, 2011.

ကမၻာမေၾကနဲ႕ ဗန္ေကာက္ေရ

2011-11-06T20:31:00.018+07:00

ထိုင္းျပည္ထဲေရး၀န္ၾကီးဌာနမွထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္အရ ယခုအၾကိမ္ ေရေဘးတြင္ လူ ၃၅၆ ဦး ထက္မနည္း ေသဆံုးျပီး ဒုကၡသည္ ၉ သန္းေက်ာ္ ရွိေၾကာင္းျဖင့္ သိရပါသည္။ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႕က ေက်ာက္ဖယား ျမစ္ရဲ ႕ ေရအမွတ္ဟာ ဒီကေန႔ အျမင့္ဆံုးကိုေရာက္ရွိၿပီး ရပ္တန္႔သြားတာေၾကာင့္ေရွ႕ သီတင္းပတ္ထဲမွာ ေရျပန္က်ပါလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ယင္းလပ္ က ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကို အပတ္စဥ္ေျပာတဲ့ မိန္႔ခြန္းထဲမွာ ေျပာၾကားထား ေပမဲ့ေရေတြက ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ ့ေျမာက္ဖက္ျခမ္းမွ စီးဆင္းလာေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ဘန္ေကာက္ျမိဳ ့အေရွ ့ဖက္ႏွင့္ အေနာက္ဖက္ျခမ္းကို ေကြ ့ၿပီး စီးဆင္းေနပါတယ္။ ေခ်ာင္ဖရာျမစ္ရိုးတေလ်ာက္ႏွင့္ ဗန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕အေနာက္ဖက္ ေျမာက္ဘက္ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ဖက္တို႕မွ တစတစ အတြင္းပိုင္းသို႕တိုးလာေနဆဲျဖစ္သည္။

ေက်ာ္လေကးဘြာ စာတိုက္

ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ ့ေျမာက္ဘက္က ၀င္လာတဲ့ ေရေတြဟာ ေမာ္ခ်စ္ ကားဂိတ္ေဟာင္း ႏွင့္ BTS ေကာင္းကင္ ရထား ပထမ ဘူတာကို ေရေရာက္ရွိေနၿပီး၊ ေရတစ္ေပခဲြခန္႔ တက္လာေနပါသည္။ ၀ိဖါ၀ဒီးလမ္းက စိန္ဂြ်န္ေက်ာင္း အေရွ ႔ကို ေရမ်ား ေက်ာ္လြန္လာေနၿပီး မင္ဘူရီဖက္က ေရဟာလဲ ဗန္းကပိ န၀ါမင္လမ္းမ အထိ ေရာက္ေနတယ္လို႕သတင္းေတြက ဆိုပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ေနတဲ့အရပ္ကိုေတာ့ေရမေရာက္ေသးပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ့စာတိုက္ေသတၱာကေတာ့ န၀ါမင္ (ယခင္အေခၚ စူဖါဖိဖန္ ၁လမ္း) မွာရွိတာမို႕ အေျခအေနမဆိုးခင္ စာေတြသိမ္းဖိို႕ စိတ္ကူးရလို႕ ဒီမနက္ သြားပါတယ္။ န၀ါမင္က ကေစဆပ္ တကၠသိုလ္ဘက္ လမ္းခြဲမွာ ေရနဲနဲ (ေျခမ်က္စိျမဳပ္ေလာက္) စေတြ႕ပီး ပထ၀ိကြန္ေစ်းေရွ႕ ကစပီးေျခာက္ေသြ႕ေနလိုက္တာ ေက်ာ္လေကးဘြာ စာတိုက္မေရာက္ခင္ကေန စာတိုက္ အလြန္ထိ ေရဒူးဆစ္ေလာက္ရွိပါတယ္။ စာတိုက္ထဲ၀င္ပီးရင္ စက္ျပန္မႏိုးဘဲေနမွာစိုးလို႕ ေရစပ္စပ္ စာတိုက္နဲ႕ ေရတဖ်တ္ဖ်တ္ ခရီးကိုဘဲ ဓါတ္ပံုရိုက္ရင္း ျပန္လွည့္လါခဲ့ပါတယ္။

စင္ထရယ္လ္ လက္ပေရာင္းေရွ႕ျမင္ကြင္း

ခ်တ္တူးခ်တ္မွာေရအျမင့္ ၂၀စင္တီမီတာထိ တုိးလာပါတယ္။ လက္ဆီ ခရုိင္မွာ ၃၀စင္တီမီတာနဲ႔၁၂၀စင္တီမီတာအၾကား ရွိပါတယ္။ ခလုံဆမ္၀ခရုိင္မွာ စင္တီမီတာ ၆၀ကေန ၉၀ထိ ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။

ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ရဲ႕ေျမေအာက္ရထားဘူတာရုံေတြကုိလည္ ပိတ္ထားလုိက္ရပါၿပီ။ အေ၀းေျပး ဘတ္စ္ ကားလုပ္ငန္းေတြကုိ လုပ္ကုိင္ေနတဲ့ သယ္ယူပုိ႔ေဆာင္ေရးကုမၸဏီလိမီတက္ဟာ ကား၀င္းထဲ ေရေရာက္ရင္ ေမာ္ခ်စ္(သစ္) ဘတ္စ္ကားဂိတ္ႀကီးကေန ဘတ္စ္ကားအကုန္လုံး တနာရီအတြင္း ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းႏုိင္ေရး စီမံကိန္းတခုကုိ အခုအခါ ႀကိဳ တင္ေရးဆဲြ ျပင္ဆင္လုပ္ကုိင္ေနရပါတယ္။ ဒီဘတ္စ္ကားဂိတ္ဟာ ခ်တ္တူးခ်တ္က ကမ္ဖဲန္းဖက္လမ္းမႀကီးေပၚမွာ ရွိ ပါတယ္။ ကုမၸဏီအေနနဲ႔ ဘတ္စ္ကားေတြကုိ ဖထုမ္ဌာနီခရုိင္က ဖရာတူနမ္ထာဖရာ အင္းနဲ႔ ဆု၀ဏဖူးမ္ေလဆိပ္၊ ဒါမွမ ဟုတ္ ခ်ဳန္ဘူရီမွာရွိတဲ့ေနရာကုိ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းရႏုိင္ၿပီး အဲဒီကေန လုပ္ငန္းေတြ ဆက္ လည္ပတ္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ တာ ၀န္ရွိသူေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။ဘန္ေကာက္အေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ ေရလႊမ္းမုိးမႈဟာ ဆီယမ္တကၠသုိလ္နဲ႔ ထာဖရာလမ္းဆုံဆီကုိ ဦးတည္စီးလာေနပါတယ္။

ဘန္ေကာက္ေျမအေနအထားအရလတ္ဖေရာင္း နယ္ေျမၿပီးရင္ ရတ္ခ်ာဒါဖီဆက္လမ္းမႀကီးနဲ႔ ခ်တ္တူးခ်တ္နယ္ ေျမကုိ ေရေရာက္လာမယ္လုိ႔ ခန္႔မွန္းထားပါတယ္။

ၿမိဳ ့လယ္ေခါင္လို ့ေျပာလို ့ရတဲ့ ပတူနမ့္ အရပ္ကို ေရေရာက္ဖို ့၁၀ ကီလိုေလာက္ဘဲ လိုေတာ့တယ္။ ျမိဳ ့တြင္းပိုင္းဟာ ေျမနိမ့္ပိုင္းျဖစ္လို ့အခု အတိုင္းေရ၀င္လာသည့္ႏွဳန္းနဲ ့ ဆို ့ရင္ တစ္ပတ္ေလာက္ အတြင္းမွာ ျမိဳ ့လယ္ေခါင္ကို ေရ၀င္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။

ဘန္ေကာက္၊ တျခားခရုိ္င္ေတြမွာလည္း ေရေတြ တုိးလာေနပါတယ္။ ဘန္ေကာက္အေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ ယမန္ေန႔ကထက္ ေရအျမင့္ ၂၀ စင္တီမီတာ တုိးလာပါတယ္။

ဘန္ေကာက္ျမိဳ ့ကို ေရ၀ိုင္းထားတယ္လို ့ေျပာ ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဘန္ေကာက္ျမိဳ ့လယ္ေခါင္ကိုေရမ၀င္ေအာင္ အစိုးရက တာတမံေတြ ့နဲ ့ပိတ္ထားေပမယ့္လည္း တားဆီးႏိုင္မယ့္ အေနအထားမွာ မေတြ ့ရေသးပါဘူး၊

ဘန္ေကာက္ေရေဘးကယ္တင္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ တပ္ေတာ္ ၃နဲ႔တပ္ေတာ္ ၂က တပ္ခဲြေပါင္း ၃၀ ေလာက္က ေနာက္ထပ္ စစ္ သားေတြ ထပ္ျဖည့္ထားရပါတယ္။

မဟာခ်ဳိင္ေဒသဟာ၊ ေရနစ္ျမွဳပ္သြားဖြယ္ရာ ရွိျပီး၊ ေနထိုင္တဲ့ လူေတြ အေရးေပၚေရႊ ့ ေျပာင္းေပး ရမယ္လို ့ ထိုင္းအာဏာပိုင္ မ်ားက ႏို၀င္ဘာ(၅) ရက္ေန ့ မနက္(၃) နာရီမွာ ရုပ္ျမင္ သံၾကားနဲ ့ အျခားသတင္းေတြ ထဲမွာ ေၾကညာ ထားပါတယ္။

မဟာခ်ိဳင္ေဒသက ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားမ်ား မဟာခ်ိဳင္ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးစခန္း ဖုန္း ၀၈၀-၄၅၈၅-၁၂၈၊ ၀၈၉-၄၁၃၃-၁၇၉၊ ၀၈၉-၆၈၅- ၂၉၆၆၊ ၀၈၄-၆၇၀-၅၇၂၇ တို့ကို ဆက္သြယ္ အကူအညီ ေတာင္းခံနိုင္ၾကသလို၊ ေရေဘးသင့္ေနသူမ်ားကို ကူညီေပးလိုသူမ်ားလည္း ဆက္သြယ္ႏိုင္ပါသည္။

KWR Special Report

2011-11-02T21:08:00.041+07:00

Analyzing the Prospects for Change in Myanmar:
Interview with David Steinberg of Georgetown University

Interview by Keith W. Rabin

Thank you David for speaking with us today. It has been awhile since we last talked. Can you tell us about your background and interest in Myanmar?

I originally focused on Chinese Studies and began to study how the Chinese treated minorities in the southern regions and after the Korean War studied at the School of Oriental and Asian Studies in London where I began to focus on Burma and Southeast Asia. I was then based in Myanmar as the Assistant Representative of The Asia Foundation until the government changed and we were asked to leave after the coup of 1962. Later on I joined USAID and came to serve as Director of Philippines, Thailand and Burmese Affairs, where I was responsible for leading the team that negotiated the reentry of USAID operations in Burma in 1979. Currently I am a Professor at Georgetown University where I focus on Myanmar, North Korea and South Korea, Southeast Asia and US policy in Asia.

In the 1950s Myanmar was perceived by many analysts to be one of the more promising countries in Asia. Can you tell us about the country and its underlying potential and -- if political and structural problems can be resolved -- some of the trade and investment opportunities there?

If we were sitting in a hotel bar in 1956 asking ourselves which countries in Asia would develop most quickly and compared Burma, Thailand and South Korea -- each with a similar per capita income and population at the time -- Burma would have been the obvious choice. It was the world's largest rice exporter, exported oil to India, had timber, gems, minerals and good supplies of many other natural resources. It was also under-populated, with a well-educated workforce and had a parliamentary system. In contrast South Korea was hardly worth considering at the time yet today possesses a per capita income that is approximately twenty times that of Myanmar.

Given the neglect in recent decades, Myanmar is essentially starting from scratch in terms of

building a modern economy. The nation still has an abundance of natural resources, a strategic location between China and India and access to the sea and the world’s busiest shipping lanes. It has a population estimated to be about 55 million people,

and is one of the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a rapidly integrating market. ASEAN collectively possesses a total GDP approaching US$800 billion.

When I used to travel to Myanmar in the 1980s a lot of people would tell me "When the government changed in the early 60s we thought this would last a year or two and we are still waiting". Now another twenty years have passed. What happened and how did we get to where we are today?

In 1958 the Burmese military assumed power at the invitation of Prime Minister U Nu though the military would have done so without his approval and it ruled with great effectiveness. Political scientists of the time viewed this as a positive development because the military were seen as a disciplined effective force and a good alternative to the politicians who were seen as corrupt. Elections were then held in 1960 and the military stepped down but then seized power again in 1962 and things changed dramatically. This time their intent was to hold onto power and the military has remained the dominant force in that society ever since. That does not mean it cannot reform and treat its people better. China has a military in power that is not accountable to the people and it has done many things to raise living standards and become the world's second largest economy.

Burmese Socialist Programme Party policies, however, were disastrous for a number of reasons. In colonial days the economy was in foreign hands, dominated by the British, as well as Indians and Chinese. The Burmese were relegated to minor industries and petty trading. One of the most important issues the government faced was how to get the economy under Burmese control and this remains one of the important motivations to this day. How was this achieved? On independence, the government decreed that all land belonged to the state although communes were never instituted, and put into place a socialist system. As a result most production was in government hands in a highly nationalistic environment. To do this successfully, however, you need a highly competent bureaucracy, such as what exists in Sweden. What they did though was to purge capable bureaucrats and replace them with military officers. Most of these people were enthusiastic and meant well, but managing the economy was beyond their competence. At the same time you had a highly personal system of power with one man, General Ne Win, in charge. Since he was head of the military since 1949, he was in control of all significant promotions. His word was law and all decisions he and subsequent military rulers made could not be challenged. This may now be changing but it is still early to judge.

Not only were these policies badly conceived, but they were arbitrarily enforced. It was not a communist system, there were no collective farms and it was not like North Korea or China, but they did nationalize most industries. The costs of imports and spare parts rose and the value of exports went down and in 1987 they had a major crisis. Foreign exchange reserves were as low as $30 million, which amounts to a couple of week's imports. Then in a colossal mistake the government decided to demonetize larger notes, which represented about 2/3s of the currency with no compensation. People then lost all faith in the currency believing this would happen again. They held rice or whatever would hold value. Burmese industry declined, and the economy virtually collapsed.

Since the borders with China were opening Chinese goods came in, in what proved to be the start of expanded influence in the country; the Burmese could not compete further, which further depressed the economy. The government has since acknowledged this error and the 2008 constitution has an article against demonetization.

In March 1988, the Government of Japan -- who provided about half of all foreign aid to Myanmar at the time -- told the nation it needed to reform their economic policies or Japan would reconsider their aid program. As a result, Myanmar decided they would not continue down the socialist road. Just before the coup of September 18, 1988, the government modified the system and after the coup enacted an investor-friendly investment law and invited companies to do onshore oil resource exploration. Eventually an off-shore gas pipeline was developed to supply energy to Thailand; Total and Chevron are major investors. Today, the Government has about $5 billion in foreign exchange reserves.

Recent developments have raised hope about the prospect for change, yet there have been several periods in the past where this also looked likely. Should we be more optimistic at the present time?

We certainly should be, but these changes are fragile, and our optimism should be heavily tempered. Since the inauguration of the new government, we have witnessed an amazing set of decisions and statements. In his inaugural address, the President announced that the nation's health and education systems were in bad shape and had to be reformed. He also noted the need to treat minorities better, and to eliminate corruption. The Burmese are forming the Myanmar Development Resources Institute with presidential approval to help with future planning.

In October 2011, the IMF sent a delegation to Myanmar and one of the main issues to be discussed is how they can achieve a unified exchange rate. That is a major development given the official rate today is about 6.3 as opposed to about 850 on the grey market. We have also seen the formation of a Human Rights Commission and the development of a new labor law with ILO approval concerning labor standards and the formation of unions, while granting workers the right to strike. The President has also invited all Burmese who have not committed serious crimes such as murder to come back to build the country. Critical has been the stoppage of construction of a major $3.6 billion Chinese dam on the Irrawaddy that was much hated by the people; the president said he was listening to the people's will.

All of these things are very significant and the environment for business is changing very quickly. There is opposition however, including from within the military and the transformation will be gradual -- though this is far beyond what anyone what would be imagined even months ago.

I've always looked at Myanmar as something of a Southeast Asian Yugoslavia inhabited by the Burmese people and a diverse range of minority groups. What are the prospects for a successful democratization in an environment of that kind? Can we see real national cohesion in a democratic environment or will we see a fracturing such as that which occurred in Yugoslavia?

The days of minority groups spinning off along the lines of a Yugoslav model are over, but I believe the minority issue is the most serious issue facing Myanmar today -- even more serious than democracy itself. Recent actions though have been positive. This government has established seven minority and seven Burman local legislatures under a national legislature. This is a first, and something that has never been seen before. We don't know how it will work but there is a spirit of hope for some sort of pluralism there. Civil society is also active. Such pluralism won't go too far or too fast, and over time it may not be what we have or want in government for ourselves, but if we allow it time, it can develop into something the Burmese peoples feel comfortable with.

From 1997 to 2008, the US enacted several laws and presidential executive orders that imposed sanctions on Myanmar. You have described these as in some ways being more severe than those imposed on North Korea.

What led to these actions and what are the effectiveness of these measures?

After the coup of September 1988 sanctions were imposed as an emotional reaction to events in Burma. At first they were not called sanctions. US policy requires that we stop economic assistance in any country that has had a coup, and we did this in Burma in 1988, and we have done this in the past with Thailand as well. Then the Government denied the results of the May 1990 elections, which entrenched the military. Aung San Suu Kyi (ASSK) has also had a large influence. While she does not make US policy, no administration has chosen to disagree with her. That may change and I think it will over time.

I met with Bill Richardson in 1992 before one of his trips to Myanmar and he told me sanctions would be passed as some people in Congress wanted them and no one would vote in favor of the prior regime. The first sanctions were in 1997. Further sanctions were taken in 2003 after ASSK was roughed up during a trip to central Myanmar, and again in 2008 after the Saffron revolution of 2007. Now there are people who want still more sanctions even though these measures have not proven to be effective in influencing change within Myanmar.

People who advocate for sanctions do have the moral high ground, but once implemented, sanctions are exceedingly difficult to eliminate. One can always say -- no matter how far efforts are made to address underlying problems -- they have not made enough progress. These people have certainly done very bad things but the question is: what are US interests there? We certainly have an interest in people and human rights, but we also have strategic and other interests including environmental, disaster relief, regional and commercial.

What that means is our policy in a country like Myanmar needs to be complex, and nuanced. As far as I know, the first mention of China as a concern within our Myanmar policy was in September 2009 when Senator Jim Webb raised the issue of their involvement in Myanmar at a Senate Asian Subcommittee hearing. It seems obvious to me that this has been carefully analyzed in the classified literature, to which I do not have access. The problem, however, is that in a democracy such as ours, if you are to develop a more multifaceted foreign approach, you have to bring the people along and educate them as to why this is important. The inability of our governments under both the Clinton and Bush administrations to make this a concern and explain it to people is reprehensible. I think we should have a dialogue. This did not exist before Obama came in and we are now just beginning to acknowledge that the past twenty years of sanctions have been a failure -- but a weakened Obama administration is not likely to waste any of their political ammunition and capital on fighting for changes in policy with members of both parties in the Congress.

So at the moment if we have more releases of political prisoners we may get some amelioration of the sanctions but I do not expect a total relaxation.

Recently we have seen a number of changes in Myanmar, including the election of a non-military government, the release of ASSK as well as the release of some 6,000 prisoners, of whom some 200 or so are said to be political prisoners. What is motivating these changes and how do you see them progressing moving forward?

The motivation in part is the government's interest in ensuring more balanced relations between Myanmar and the outside world. They don't want to be so reliant on China though on the other hand they do not want to be reliant on the US either. They fear us but do understand the need to be balanced. The government perhaps is pre-empting popular discontent by promising changes, hope for additional legitimacy, is looking to ensure that it will be given the Chair of ASEAN in 2014, and does want to develop its economy. Whatever the motivations, these are positive developments. One of the most interesting developments is the canceling of the Chinese-financed Myitsone Dam, Myanmar's largest hydropower project, in a move, which the Chinese were reported to learn about through the media and have since expressed concern. Given that China has been Myanmar's major benefactor in recent decades, what would prompt the authorities in Myanmar to take such a drastic action and what do you think of the implications of this development?Construction of the dam was not cancelled, but postponed until at least 2015, after which the new Burmese government will decide what to do. I believe the popular view that Myanmar is a client state of China is inaccurate. While it is true they have been dependent on China, Myanmar is highly nationalistic and they do not wish to be seen as subservient. That has been a constant theme in Myanmar politics throughout the post-colonial era.

The decision on the dam was due to popular concern that went beyond the Kachins and was influenced by growing anti-Chinese sentiment. This is due to the growing presence of Chinese products against which local producers find it hard to compete, as well as illegal immigration and the Sinification of cities such as Mandalay, where they are coming to have a dominant influence. The Chinese have come into Myanmar but have not displayed enough sensitivity coming from a comparatively wealthy to a poor country. I've asked a scholar to do a paper on attitudes of people in Myanmar toward China as expressed in the Myanmar media, and this should prove extremely interesting.

According to media reports the head of the Chinese company in charge of the dam said he was not informed in advance, but I have been told the Chinese government was informed about Burmese concerns, though perhaps the corporation may not have been. From what I have heard, this Burmese concern was not sudden. Finally, one should note the construction was halted and not reversed. The Prime Minister said it would not be completed during his term. So depending upon what evolved in the interim, we might see a resumption of activity in 2015.One US senior official has talked about the "winds of change" in Myanmar and in the last three years, there have been four separate high-level bilateral meetings between the two countries on U.S. soil, including a visit by the Myanmar Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin with Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma Ambassador Derek Mitchell, Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Assistant Secretary Michael Posner and East Asian and Pacific Affairs Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell at the State Department last month. What do you make of these meetings and the relationship between Myanmar and the US moving forward?

There were at least two meetings in New York in addition to those in Washington and I think the purpose of those meetings were to show they were serious about reform. I don't know if the dam was part of those discussions.

The test was, and always has been, the release of political prisoners, not the dam, and that is unresolved. There are rumors there may be another release before the Bali meeting of the East Asia Summit, which President Obama will attend, but I don't know. And while there was an announcement for the release of over 6000 prisoners, only a couple hundred have been released to date, and we don't know the total number of political prisoners-whether 2,100 or 500 or any other number. What the promoters of sanctions are trying to do is say: this government is illegitimate, based on a bad constitution passed in a manipulated referendum, and elected in a flawed manner, so we should not deal with them no matter what they do. So, they might argue, unless and until ASSK's National League for Democracy assumes power, the sanctions should remain in place. The question for the US is whether we will go along with these critics in a coming election year.

The administration seems to want to do something and are hoping the Myanmar government will give them enough political room to do something positive, but we will see. I think the US could say if these economic reforms are serious and the IMF says they will go ahead, we would not object if the Asian Development Bank and World Bank explore assistance if the Burmese government meets the multilateral institutional standards of transparency and good governance. This would not cost the US anything in terms of funding. Perhaps there would be some political and some congress disapproval, but it could serve as an initial step to test the waters toward greater engagement.

Other countries such as India, Japan and its Southeast Asian neighbors also factor into any discussion of Myanmar, and Myanmar is being considered to be the chair of ASEAN as early as 2014. How are these relationships evolving and are there any major developments we should be aware of moving forward?

The European Union has modified their sanctions policy on the basis of the new government coming in. They are split, however, and the UK is taking a hard line. Many counties in the EU do not like the common position. Australia already has things going and Canada does have sanctions. Japan would like to restart its economic development program and now provides "humanitarian assistance" in a very broadly defined manner. ASEAN will probably approve Myanmar chairing ASEAN in 2014, and the question will be whether the US will attend and if so, under what conditions.

In recent decades Myanmar has done little to develop its physical and economic infrastructure, so even if sanctions are overturned there will be a major obstacles before the nation can fully open itself up for trade and investment. Can you talk a bit about some of the issues that will be faced?

Actually, the military have built more infrastructure than any previous government. Whether that was wise in terms of priorities, whether they printed more money to do so and increased inflation, and whether they employed forced labor are all legitimate questions. More is needed without question, but the social sector has suffered and health, education and agricultural credit are just a few of the issues that need to be addressed. Change may be slow. While progress is likely to be achieved, this is not going to be a complete turnaround by any measure.

I have been against sanctions but once they were implemented they can only be removed and the situation resolved in a well thought out manner. This is necessary to allow a successful transition to a new relationship that advances US policy interests as well as the aspirations of the people of Myanmar. As a former Burmese foreign minister noted that when the West talks about carrot and sticks, they should remember that the Burmese are not donkeys.

Thank you David for your time and attention. Look forward to talking again soon.

This interview is part of an ongoing series highlighting Asia-related business, trade and investment opportunities and issues.

Keith W. Rabin serves as President at KWR International, Inc., a consulting firm specializing in the delivery of Asia-focused trade, business and investment development, research and public relations/public affairs services for corporate and government clients.

Earlier in his career he served as Executive Director of a global trading company, which focused on business development in Myanmar and Southeast Asia. For more information, please visit http://www.kwrintl.com

“အေျဖ“

2011-11-02T10:58:00.005+07:00

အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (NLD) ပါတီ မွတ္ပုံတင္ျခင္း၊ မတင္ျခင္း ကိစၥကို လာမည့္ သီတင္းပတ္အတြင္း ဆုံးျဖတ္ႏိုင္ဖြယ္ရွိေၾကာင္း ဦး၀င္းတင္က ေျပာၾကားခ့ဲသည့္နည္းတူ NLD ပါတီ ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္ ဦးဥာဏ္ဝင္းကလည္း NLD ပါတီက ကန္႔ကြက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၂ဝဝ၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒပါ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဥပေဒထဲက အခ်က္တခ်ိဳ႕ကို လႊတ္ေတာ္ကေန ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ ေပးလိုက္ၿပီ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ NLD ပါတီ အေနနဲ႔ ပါတီမွတ္ပံုတင္ဖို႔ အလားအလာေတြ ရွိေနၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ အေနနဲ႔လည္း လာမယ့္ ၾကားျဖတ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ဝင္ေရာက္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ႏိုင္ဖြယ္ ရွိတယ္လို႔ မၾကာေသးမွီက ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။

ဦးဥာဏ္ဝင္းက မိမိအေနနဲ႔လည္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္တာကို ျမင္လိုပါတယ္လို႔ ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ရိုက္တာ သတင္းဌာနက ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။

NLD ပါတီ၀င္တဦးျဖစ္ၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ကိုယ္ေရးအရာရွိလည္း ျဖစ္ေသာ ဦး၀င္းထိန္က “NLD ပါတီ မွတ္ပုံတင္တာနဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ တႏိုင္ငံလုံးက ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ေတြရဲ႕ ဆႏၵသေဘာထားေတြကို ယူရဦးမွာပါ။ ၂၀၁၀ တုန္းကေတာ့ မွတ္ပုံတင္မယ့္ ကိစၥကို ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ၁၀၀ မွာ ၉၉ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္က သေဘာမတူခဲ့ၾကပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အခုက ဥပေဒ ျပင္ဆင္လိုက္ေတာ့ အေျခအေနက မတူေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့” ဟု ေျပာသည္။

စက္တင္ဘာလ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႔ စိမ္းလဲ့ကန္သာေတြ႔ဆံုပြဲ အၿပီး သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားနဲ႔ေတြ႔ဆံုေမးျမန္းၾက ရာမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကလည္း “NLD အရေတာ့၊ ကြၽန္မက NLD အတြက္၊ အားလံုးအတြက္ ေျပာေပးလို႔မရဘူးေလ။ CEC ကို ပထမတင္ ျပရဦးမွာပါ။ CEC ကိုတင္ျပၿပီးမွ ကြၽန္မတို႔ ဘယ္လိုေျဖမလဲဆိုတာ ေျပာႏုိင္မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္” ဟုေျပာခဲ့သည္။

ယခုအခါ “ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ား မွတ္ပံုတင္ျခင္း ဥပေဒကို ျပင္ဆင္သည့္ဥပေဒ” အတည္ျဖစ္လာပါၿပီ။

ေအာက္တိုဘာလ (၂၀) ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္က အတည္ျပဳခ်က္ျဖင့္ ေပးပို႔ေသာ “ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ား မွတ္ပံုတင္ ျခင္း ဥပေဒကို ျပင္ဆင္သည့္ဥပေဒၾကမ္း” ကို ဥပေဒၾကမ္းေကာ္မတီ၏ အစီရင္ခံစာတြင္ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ မရွိသကဲ့သို႔ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားကလည္း သတ္မွတ္ထားသည့္ ေအာက္တုိဘာ (၂၆) ရက္အထိ ျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္တစ္စံုတစ္ရာတင္သြင္းျခင္းမရွိသည့္ အတြက္ယင္းဥပေဒၾကမ္းကို အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္က အတည္ျပဳထားသည့္အတုိင္း ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကသေဘာတူေၾကာင္းဆံုးျဖတ္ခဲ့သည္။

ျပင္ဆင္လိုက္ေသာ အခ်က္မ်ား၌ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒအား ထိန္းသိမ္းေစာင့္ေရွာက္ရမည္ ဆိုသည့္အခ်က္ အစား ေလးစားလိုက္နာရမည္ ဟူ၍ ျပင္ဆင္လိုက္သည္။ ထို႔အတူ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံဖူးသူမ်ား ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီတည္ေထာင္ႏိုင္ခြင့္ႏွင့္ လက္ရွိအက်ဥ္းက် ခံေနရသူမ်ားကိုလည္း ပါတီ၀င္အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ရွိေသာ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ပါ၀င္ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။

ဤအခ်က္သည္ NLD ပါတီကို သင္းသပ္ထားေသာအခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။

မိမိပါတီအတြက္ ဘ၀ႏွင့္ရင္းထားေသာ ရဲေဘာ္ရဲဘက္မ်ားအား အေရခြံခြါၿပီး ျပစ္ခဲ့ရမည့္အခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။

ဤအခ်က္သည္ NLD ပါတီကို ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ(၀င္လိုသည့္တိုင္ေအာင္) မ၀င္သာေအာင္ ကန္႕သန္႕ထားခဲ့သည္။

၂၀၁၀ မတ္လ ၂၉ ရက္၊ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (NLD) ဗဟုိဦးစီးအဖြဲ႔ အထူးအစည္းေဝးသုိ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္မွာ ၾကားတဲ့အခ်က္ ၆ ခ်က္အနက္ အခ်က္အမွတ္ (၁) (၂) (၃) တြင္ - ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို လံုးဝလက္မခံႏုိင္၊ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္၏ေရႊဂံုတုိင္ေၾကညာခ်က္ကို ကိုင္စြဲထားရမည္။

- တရားမွ်တမႈမရွိ၊ တစ္ဖက္သတ္ေရးဆြဲထားသည့္ဥပေဒအရ မွတ္ပံုတင္ျခင္းကို လံုးဝလက္မခံႏုိင္ပါ၊ ဥပေဒပါ စည္းကမ္း ခ်က္မ်ားမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီနည္းမက်

- အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္သည္ က်မ၏ ကိုယ္ပုိင္ပစၥည္းမဟုတ္၊ မည္သူတစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္၏ ကိုယ္ပုိင္ပစၥည္းလည္းမဟုတ္၊

ဟုပါ၀င္သည္။

ယခုအေျခအေနတြင္ NLD ပါတီ တိုင္းရင္းသားအင္အားစုမ်ားႏွင့္ အမ်ားျပည္သူတို႕ ရယူလိုသည္မွာ တန္းတူရည္ ညွိႏႈိင္း ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး အစိုးရကေျပာေနသည္မွာ လြတ္ေတာ္ေပၚေပါက္ေနၿပီျဖစ္၍ လြတ္ေတာ္အတြင္းမွ ၀င္ေရာက္ ေျပာဆိုရန္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုေၾကာင့္၀င္လာေအာင္ ျပင္ေပးျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ တနည္းအျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ (၂၀၀၈) ေဘာင္အတြင္း ၀င္သာေအာင္ လမ္းေဖၚေပးျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ား မွတ္ပုံတင္ျခင္းဥပေဒ ထြက္လာၿပီး ေနာက္ပိုင္းကာလတြင္ NLD ပါတီမွတ္ပုံတင္ေရး၊ မတင္ေရး၊ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၀င္ေရး၊ မဝင္ေရးတို႔ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ျပည္တြင္း၊ ျပည္ပ၌ စိတ္၀င္တစားရွိၾကသည္။

ေပၚထြက္လာတဲ့ ျပင္ဆင္ထားၿပီးျဖစ္တဲ့ “ႏုိ္င္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ားမွတ္ပံုတင္ျခင္းဥပေဒ” နဲ႔အညီ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က မွတ္ပံုတင္မွာလား။ ဖြြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံ ဥပေဒကို “ထိန္းသိမ္း ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ရမည္” ဆုိတဲ့ စကားရပ္ အစား “ေလးစား လိုက္နာရမည္” လို႔ ျပင္ဆင္လိုက္ရံုနဲ႔ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ (၂၀၀၈) ကို လက္ခံႏုိင္ပါၿပီလား။ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ(၂၀၀၈)ထဲမွာပါရွိေနတဲ့ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္အတြက္ အကာအကြယ္ ေပးထားတဲ့ ၊ တစ္ဘက္သတ္အသာစီးယူထားတဲ့၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီနည္းလမ္းမက်တဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြကို ဘယ္လို ျပင္သြားမွာလည္း။ ပါတီရဲ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းေတြေရာ၊ ျပည္နယ္/တိုင္း စည္း႐ုံးေရးမႉးေတြေရာ၊ အမ်ဳိးသမီး လုပ္ငန္းအဖြဲ႔၊ လူငယ္လုပ္ငန္းအဖြဲ႔တို႔ ေဆြးေႏြးၿပီးမွ ထြက္ေပၚလာခဲ့တဲ့ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ေၾကညာစာတမ္းပါ ပါတီရဲ႕မူူေတြအေပၚမွာေရာ ဘယ္လို ဆက္လက္ၿပီး ရပ္တည္သြားမွာလည္း။ NLD ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းအေနနဲ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲကို ေရာက္သြားၿပီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပင္ဆင္ေရးကို အားထုတ္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ကတိကဝတ္ေတြနဲ႔ပဲ သြားမွာလား။ စသည္ျဖင့္ အလြန္ စိတ္၀င္တစား ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနယင္း သည္းထိတ္ရင္ဖိုလည္းျဖစ္ေနၾကသည္။ သူတို႕သည္သာမာန္ ပြဲၾကည့္သူ သက္သက္မဟုတ္ ပြဲ၏ အႏိုင္အရွဳံးရလဒ္ ေကာင္းက်ိဳး ဆိုးေမြကို တိုက္ရိုက္ ထိေတြ႕ခံစားရမည့္သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ေနသည္။

တဖက္က အ၀တ္သစ္လဲထားေသာ ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားကလည္း မိမိကိုယ္ကို အမ်ားျပည္သူက ေရြးေကာက္ တင္ေျမွာက္ ထားသည့္ အစိုးရဟု ဆိုကာ ယခင္စစ္၀တ္ႏွင့္သံုးခဲ့သည့္နည္းမ်ားကို ေရွာင္ဖယ္ၿပီး ဆင္းရဲမႈေလ်ာ့ခ်ေရးဟူေသာ စကားမ်ဳိးကို ေျပာလာသည္။ ျပည္တြင္း စစ္မီးဟူသည္ မည္ သူ႔အတြက္မွ် အက်ိဳးမရွိဟူေသာ အခ်က္မ်ဳိးကို ေျပာလာသည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုေသာ စကား၊ မတူကြဲျပားေသာ အျမင္ရွိသူမ်ားႏွင့္ စကား ေျပာဆိုစည္းရုံးမည္ဟူေသာ သေဘာထားမ်ဳိးကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆိုလာသည္။

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ဝန္ၾကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္တို႔ ေတြ႔ဆုံပြဲ ျပန္လုပ္သည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ ဆင္းရဲမႈေလ်ာ့ခ်ေရး ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲသို႔ဖိတ္သည္။ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ႏွင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ တို႔ ေတြ႔ဆုံၾကသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ေတြ႔ဆုံပြဲမ်ားတြင္ ဘာေတြ ေဆြးေႏြးၾကသည္ကို ျပည္သူေတြ မသိၾကရ။

ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတြင္ ဘာေတြ ေဆြးေႏြးၾကသည္ကို မသိရေသာ္ျငား ေျပာစကား ဆိုစကားတို႔ကေတာ့ ထူးျခားလာသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ သည္ အေျပာင္းအလဲ လမ္းစေပၚသို႔ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီဟု ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ထုတ္ေျပာလာသည္။ ဘာေျပာင္းလဲပါသ နည္း။ တိတိက်က် မသိရပါ။ အစိုးရ၏ အေျပာအဆို ေျပာင္းလဲလာသည္ကို ဆိုလိုသေလာ။ သို႔မဟုတ္ ေဒၚစုႏွင့္ ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္ အၾကား၊ ေဒၚစုႏွင့္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အၾကားတြင္ အမ်ားမသိေသာ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ တခုခု ရထားေလသေလာ။ ျပည္သူတို႔ မသိရေသး။

NlLD ၏ ေရႊဂံုတိုင္ေၾကညာစာတမ္းပါ ေတာင္းဆိုထားတဲ့ အခ်က္ မ်ားကို လိုက္ေလ်ာသေယာင္ရွိေသာ (၂၈/၂၀၁၁) နဲ႔ (၄၉/၂၀၁၁) “လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္”၂ ႀကိမ္ေပးခဲ့တာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၀င္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ဥပေဒကို ျပင္ေပးမယ္ လြတ္ေတာ္ထဲ၀င္ပီး အေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပင္ဆင္ေရးကို အားထုတ္ပါဆိုတဲ့ အကြက္မ်ိဳးေတြ ထုတ္လာသည္။

တၿပိဳင္နက္ထည္းမွာပင္ သတိျပဳစရာ “၀ွက္ဖဲ” တခ်ပ္ရွိေသးသည္။ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က မွတ္ပံုတင္သည့္တိုင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၀င္ခြင့္ရေအာင္ အခင္းအက်င္းအျပင္အဆင္က ဘယ္လိုရွိပါသလည္း။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဥပေဒပါ ပုဒ္မ ၁၀ (င) တြင္ နိုင္ငံျခား ေက်းဇူးသစၥာကို ရိုေသ ေစာင္႔ေရွာက္သူ၊ နိုင္ငံျခား တိုင္းျပည္မ်ားမွ အခြင္႔အေရးရသူ၊ နိုင္ငံျခားသား တစ္ေယာက္ကဲ႔သုိ႔ အခြင္႔အေရးကို ခံစား ပိုင္ခြင္႔ရွိသူမ်ား ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၀င္ခြင္႔မရဟု ကန္႔သတ္ထား ပါသည္။ ဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၁၀(င) သည္ ၁၉၄၇ ဖြ႔ဲစည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၇၄ (၁) ၉(က)ႏွင္႔ အတူတူပင္ ျဖစ္ေနပါသည္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းကိုယ္တိုင္ ပါ၀င္ေရးဆြဲ အတည္ျပဳခဲ့သည့္ ဥပေဒအရပါဟု န၀တ နအဖ ျပည္ခိုင္ၿဖိဳးတို႕ အဆက္ဆက္ တင္လာေသာလိုင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ႔အျပင္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၁၀(ဇ) တြင္ ေသာင္းက်န္းသူမ်ားႏွင္႔ ဆက္သြယ္မႈ ျပဳလုပ္သူမ်ား ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၀င္ခြင္႔မရွိဟု ကန္႔သတ္ တားျမစ္ ထားသည္။ ေဒၚစုၾကည္၏ ေနအိမ္ၿခံ၀င္းကို သက္ဆိုင္ရာက ၀င္ေရာက္ ရွာေဖြရာတြင္ ABSDF ေသာင္းက်န္းသူ အဖြဲ႔၀င္တစ္ဦးကို စာရြက္ စာတမ္းမ်ား ႏွင္႔အတူ သက္ေသထင္ရွား ဖမ္းမိ ခဲ႔သည္ဟုလည္း မွတ္တမ္းဖန္တီးခ်က္ရွိသည္။ ဒါေတြကိုရွင္းလင္းဖို႕ ႏွစ္ဖက္ေတြ႕ဆံုမႈအၾကား ဘယ္အတိုင္းအတာအထိ ညွိႏိႈင္းမႈရွိပီးၿပီလည္း။

ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၄ရက္ေန႕ခန္႕တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ဖြယ္ရွိေသာ စီအီးစီ အစည္းအေဝး၏ အေျဖမွာ NLD အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ မွတ္ပံုတင္လွ်င္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၀င္ခြင့္ရေရး ဆိုသည့္အေပၚ တည္ပါလိမ့္မည္။

ဗန္ေကာက္ထဲကေရ

2011-10-29T12:40:00.023+07:00

ေနာက္ဆံုး ရရွိ သည့္ သတင္းမ်ား အရ ဗန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ အေ႐ွ႕ဘက္ျခမ္း႐ွိ ကားလမ္း မႀကီး ေလးခုကို ျဖတ္ေတာက္ကာ ေရႏုတ္ေျမာင္းျပဳလုပ္ ၿပီး ဗန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ ထဲသို႔ လႊမ္းေနသည့္ ေရမ်ား ပင္လယ္ထဲသို႔ ပိုမို လွ်င္ျမန္စြာ စီးဆင္း သြားႏိုင္သည့္ အစီအစဥ္ တစ္ရပ္ကို လုပ္ဖို႕ ထိုင္း တိုယိုတာကုပၼဏီ ဒုဥကဌဦးေဆာင္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕ကတင္ျပထားေသာ အစီစဥ္ကို ပုဂၢလိက ေရေဘးကယ္ ဆယ္ေရး ကြၽမ္းက်င္သူ ပညာ႐ွင္ မ်ားႏွင့္ အစိုးရ၏ ကြၽမ္းက်င္ ပညာ႐ွင္မ်ား ပါ၀င္ေသာ အစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ ထိုင္းဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ယိင္လာတ္ ႐ွင္နာဝါတ္ကသေဘာတူလိုက္ပီး သဲအိတ္ေတြနဲ႕ ကာၿပီး ေရတားတမံေတြ ဖို႔ထားမယ့္ အစား ေျမာင္းအေဟာင္းေတြ ျပန္ေဖာ္၊ အမႈိက္ေတြ ျပန္ဆယ္၊ ေျမာင္းအသစ္ေတြ ထပ္ ေဖာ္ၿပီး ဗန္ေကာက္မွာ အီေန တဲ့ေရကို ပင္လယ္ထဲ ျမန္ျမန္ေရာက္ေအာင္ လုပ္ဖို႕ စီစဥ္ေနၿပီဟုသိရသည္။

လက္ရွိ အေျခအေနမွာ ေက်ာက္ဖရားျမစ္က တက္လာတဲ့ေရေတြဟာ ကမ္းစပ္ကေန တျဖည္းျဖည္း လွ်ံတက္လာရာက ဘန္ေကာက္ ၿမိဳ႕က အထင္ကရ ဘုရင့္နန္းေတာ္ထဲမွာဆုိရင္လည္း ေရေတြဟာ ေျခက်င္း၀တ္ေလာက္အထိ ရွိေနပါၿပီ။

ေနာက္ထပ္ေရေတြ ထပ္တက္လာမွာကုိလည္း အစုိးရတာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြက စုိးရိမ္ေနၾက ပါတယ္။ ျမစ္ကမ္းပါးကေန လွ်ံလာတဲ့ေရေတြကုိ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔အတြက္လည္း အာဏာပုိင္ေတြက ႀကိဳးစားေနၾကေပမဲ့ ဘန္ ေကာက္တၿမို့လံုး ရပ္ကြက္ဇုန္ႀကီး ၅၀ ကို ေရလႊမ္းသြားပါက ေရေဘးဒုကၡသည္ေတြ ယာယီခိုလွံဳဖို႕ ကန္က်နဘူရီ၊ ဖက္ခ်္ဘူရီ၊ ခ်ာခ်င္ေစာင္္၊ စမြတ္ပရာကန္္၊ စမြတ္စာခြန္္၊ စရာဘူရီ၊ နေခါင္နာယြတ္္နဲ့ နေခါင္စီထမရာ့စတဲ့ ခရိုင္္ ၉ ခုက ေက်ာင္း၊ စစ္တပ္ဝင္းနဲ့ က်ယ္ဝန္းတဲ့ အစိုးရပိုင္ အေဆာက္အဦေတြမွာ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေတြ ျပင္ဆင္ထားတယ္လို့ ထိုင္းအစိုးရ သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ထားပါတယ္။ ခုလို ေၾကညာတာဟာ ဘန္ေကာက္တၿမို့လံုးကို မုခ်ေရလႊမ္းလိမ့္မယ္လို့ မဆိုလိုေပမယ့္ တကယ္လို့ ေရလႊမ္းမိုးသြားခဲ့ရင္ အစိုးရက ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး အစီအစဉ္ အသင့္ရွိေနေၾကာင္းကို လူအမ်ားသိရွိေစဖို့ ျဖစ္တယ္လို့ ထိုင္းအစိုးရ ေရလႊမ္းမိုးမႈ ျပန္ၾကားေရးစင္တာက ေျပာပါတယ္။

ခုလက္ရွိ ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမို့အတြင္းက တခ်ိဳ့စခန္းေတြလည္း ေရျမုပ္လို႔ ထပ္မံေရႊ့ေျပာင္းေနၾကရပါၿပီ။ ဒြန္ေမာင္းေလဆိပ္ ေရေဘးစခန္းက ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကိုေတာ့ ခြ်န္ဘူရီခရိုင္ကို ေရႊ့သြားၿပီ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ႏြန္ထဘူရီမွာေနသူအကုန္လုံး နီးပါးေလာက္ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းၿပီးပါၿပီ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ တခ်ဳိ႕က သူတုိ႔အိမ္ေတြ အေဖာက္ခံရမွာ၊ သူခုိး ခုိးခံရမွာစုိးၿပီး ဆက္ေန ေနပါတယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္က ေနာက္ထပ္ စစ္သည္ ၅၀,၀၀၀နဲ႔ ကားစီးေရ ၁,၀၀၀ ထပ္ ျဖန္႔ထားပါ တယ္။ ေရတပ္က ေလွအစီး ၂၅၁၀၊ကုန္တင္သေဘၤာ ၁၀ စီးနဲ႔ ေလွအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားနဲ႔အတူ ၾကည္းတပ္က ေနာက္ထပ္ ထရပ္ကား ၁၇၈ စီး၊ ဘူဒုိဇာ ၁၈ စီး၊ ေရကားအစီး၂၀၊ ကြင္းဆင္းခ်က္ျပဳတ္ေရးအဖဲြ႔ ၅ ဖဲြ႔နဲ႔ ေနာက္တဲြပါတဲ့ထရပ္ကား ၁၂ စီး အသင့္လုပ္ထားပါတယ္။ ေဆးအဖဲြ႔ ၈ ဖဲြ႔၊ အၾကံေပးေဆြးေႏြး လမ္းညႊန္တဲ့အဖဲြ႔ ၈ဖဲြ႔နဲ႔ ေလယာဥ္ ၃စင္းလည္း ရွိပါေသး တယ္။ စစ္တပ္က ေရက်သြားၿပီျဖစ္တဲ့ နခုန္ဆ၀မ္မွာ ျပန္လည္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြစလုပ္ေနပါတယ္လုိ႔ ဖရာယုသ္ က ေျပာပါတယ္။ ကာကြယ္တား ဆီးေရး၊ ကူညီေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရး၊ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းေရးနဲ႔ျပန္လည္ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးစတဲ့ အဆင့္ ၄ ဆင့္ပါတဲ့ လက္ေတြ႔ေဆာက္ရြက္ မႈစီမံကိန္းကုိ ခ်ထားေဆာင္ရြက္ေနပါတယ္။။

ရာဇ၀တ္မႈ တားဆီးကာကြယ္ေရး လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနစဥ္မွာပဲ တဖက္က ေရေဘးတားဆီးကာကြယ္ေရးေတြမွာ ကူညီၾက ဖုိ႔ ျပည္နယ္အသီးသီးက ရဲေတြကုိ တာ၀န္ေပးထားသည္။

ေရထဲက ဗန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္၀န္။

27/10/2011 ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ေက်ာက္ဖရား ျမစ္ေရသည္ 2.42 မီတာသို႔ ေရာက္႐ွိခဲ့ၿပီး 30 /10/2011 ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ပင္လယ္ေရသည္ 1.28 မီတာခန္႔အထိ ျမင့္တက္လာမည္ျဖစ္၍ ေက်ာက္ဖရား ျမစ္ေရသည္ 2.5 မီတာသို႔တိုင္ ျမင့္ တက္လာႏိုင္၍ ေခ်ာင္း႐ိုးတစ္ေလွ်ာက္ ကာထားသည့္ သဲအိတ္တမံမ်ားသို႔ေရာက္႐ွိရန္ 3 စင္တီမီတာသာ က်န္ေတာ့ ၍ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး ဝန္ထမ္းမ်ားအားလံုး သတိဝိရိယ ႐ွိေစၾကရန္ ဗန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ဝန္မွ ႏႈိးေဆာ္ထားပါသည္။

ေရထဲက ဗန္ေကာက္

2011-10-27T23:23:00.017+07:00

လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့၂ရက္ေလာက္က စပီး ၀ိဖါ၀တီ-လန္းစစ္ Vibhavadi- Rangsit အေ၀းေျပးလမ္းမႀကီး၏ လတ္ပေရာင္း Lat Phrao လမ္းဆံု ကေန ဒြန္ေမာင္းေလဆိပ္ Don Mueang airport ေရွ႕အထိ ယဥ္အငယ္စားမ်ားကို သြားလာခြင့္ပိတ္ထားခဲ့ရာက ယခုအခါ ဗန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ယဥ္ထိမ္းရဲမွ ၿမိဳ႕တြင္းလမ္းမႀကီး ၇ခုကို သြားလာ ခြင့္ပိတ္လိုက္ပါတယ္။
ပိတ္လိုက္ေသာလမ္းမ်ားမွာ

၁။ ၀ိဖါ၀တီ-လန္းစစ္ လမ္းမ National Memorial မွ လတ္စီ Lak Si လမ္းဆံုအထိ
၂။ဗဟိုလ္ ယူသင္း လမ္းမ National Memorial မွစဖန္မိုင္ Saphan Mai ဧရိယာအထိ
၃။ကဖန္ဖက္ ၆လမ္း လန္းစစ္မွ ဒြန္ေမာင္း ရထားဘူတာရံု Don Mueang railway station အထိ
၄။ဆြန္ဖရာ့ဖလမ္းမ ၀ပ္စီကန္ Wat Sikan လမ္းဆံု မွ ပရခ်ာအူထစ္ လမ္းဆံုအထိ
၅။ ၀ီဠဳ၀မ္ နလမ္လမ္းမမွ က်န္း၀ပ္တန Soi Chaeng Wattana လမ္းသြယ္၁၄ အထိ
၆။ ခ်ရန္ စံနစ္တ္၀ြမ္လမ္းမ ၇၂လမ္းမွ ၈၄လမ္းထိ
၇။စီရင္ဒြမ္ Sirindhorn လမ္းမ စီရင္ထြန္လမ္းခြဲမွ စီရင္ဒြမ္လမ္းသြယ္၂သို႕ျဖစ္သည္။

ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ ဘန္ေကာ္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ထဲကို ဝင္လာေနတဲ့ ေရေတြကို ဆက္ၿပီးမတားနိုင္ေတာ့ဘူးလို႔ ထိုင္းတာဝန္ရွိသူေတြက ေျပာလိုက္ပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပိုင္း တစ တစတက္လာေနတဲ့ ေရေတြကို ဘန္ေကာက္ ၿမိဳ႕မွာရွိတဲ့ တူးေျမာင္းေတြကေန ပင္လယ္ထဲကို စီးဝင္သြားႏိုင္ဖုိ႔ ေရတံခါးေတြကို ဖြင့္ထားပီး ထိုင္းေရတပ္နဲ႕ တာဝန္ရွိသူေတြက ေရစုတ္ထုတ္တာေတြ နည္းလမ္းစံု လုပ္ေနေပမဲ့ ေရေတြကေတာ့ ၀င္လာမစဲပါ၊ ဒီၾကားထဲ မုိးထပ္ရြာႏုိင္ေခ်ရိွတယ္လုိ႔ မုိးေလ၀သ သတင္းေတြက ဆုိပါတယ္။ ၿမိဳ႕လယ္မွာရွိတဲ့ တူးေျမာင္းေတြ ကေန ေရေတြလွ်ံတက္လာမွာလား ဆိုတာကို အတိအက် မေျပာနိုင္ဘူးလို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ ေရမေရာက္ေသးတဲ့ေနရာက လူေတြလည္း ေရႀကီးမႈကို ကာကြယ္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ သဲအိတ္ေတြကို ခ်ထားၾကပါတယ္။ လိုအပ္တာထက္ ပစၥည္းေတြကို မဝယ္ၾကဖို႔ တာဝန္ရွိသူေတြက သတိေပးေနတဲ့ၾကားကဘဲ လူေတြဟာ အစားအေသာက္ေတြ၊ အေျခခံလိုအပ္တဲ့ ပစၥည္းေတြကို အလုအယက္ ဝယ္ေနၾကတဲ့အတြက္ ျပ ႆနာရွိလာႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ေရက ေနရာတိုင္း မေရာက္ေသးပါဘူး။ ေရွ႕ဆက္ဖို႕ အေျခအေနက မထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့့အတြက္ လိုတဲ့ေဆးေတြ ၀ယ္ထားဖို႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ပီး ဒီေန႕ စီးလံုက၀ယ္ေနၾက ေဆးဆိုင္ကို ခ်ီတက္ပါတယ္။ သြားေနၾက လမ္းအတိုင္း စီယဲ့လမ္ဇာလီက စလို႕လမ္ကမ္ဟမ္ကို အလယ္တံတားေပၚကျဖတ္ ေအာက္မွာလဲဘာေရမွမရွိပါ စူကြန္ဗစ္ ဖတ္ခႏုံ လံမဏီ စီးလံုထိ ဘာေရမွမရွိ။ ေဆးဆိုင္ထဲမွာေတာ့ ၀ယ္သူက ခါတ္င္းထက္ ၃ဆမကပါ။ အျပန္ စူကြန္ဗစ္က အင္ပိုရီယမ္မွာ၀င္ပီး လိုတဲ့
ရိကၡာေလးေတြ ၀င္ရွာေတာ့ရပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားရပ္ကြက္မို႕ ဗန္းကပိ ေမာလ္ စသည္ အျခားမွာ မရွိေတာ့တဲ့ ဆန္ ေရ မာမား စသည္ ပံုမွန္ရွိပါတယ္။

ေရႀကီးမႈေၾကာင့္ တေန႔ကိုအစင္း ၆ ေထာင္ေလာက္ ထုတ္လုပ္ေနတဲ့ ဂ်ပန္ေမာ္ေတာ္ကား စက္႐ံုေတြလည္း ရပ္ထားရပါတယ္။ တျခားစက္မႈ လက္မႈလုပ္ငန္းေတြလည္း ထိခိုက္ေနပါတယ္။ ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၁၁ ရက္ေန႔မွာ Sony Electronic ကုမၸဏီက ေနာက္ဆံုးေပၚ SLR ကင္မရာတမ်ဳိးကို တကမာၻလံုးမွာ စတင္ေရာင္းခ်ဖုိ႔အစီအစဥ္ကိုလဲ ေရႊ႕ဆိုင္းလိုက္တယ္လို႔ Sony က ေျပာပါတယ္၊ လာမဲ့ရက္ပိုင္းေတြမွာ အဆိုးဆံုး အေျခအေနေတြျဖစ္လာနိုင္တယ္လို႔ ခန္႔မွန္းေနၾကပါတယ္။ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမွာ အႏွစ္ ၅၀ အတြင္း အဆိုးဆံုးေရႀကီးမႈေၾကာင့္ ေသဆံုးသူ ၃၄၀ ေလာက္ရွိသြားၿပီး လူေပါင္း ၉ သန္းေလာက္ ေရေဘး ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ဒို႕ဆီက ဗမာျပည္အလယ္ပိုင္းအပါအ၀င္ ဗီယက္နမ္၊ (Vietnam,)၊ ကေမၻာဒီးယား၊ (Cambodia) နဲ႔ လာအို Laos ႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာလည္း ေရေတြႀကီးေနပါတယ္။

မုတ္သုန္မိုးေတြ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ရြာသြန္းခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ ေဒသေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ေရလႊမ္းေနၿပီး လူေပါင္းသန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး အိုးအိမ္စြန္႔ခြာ ထြက္ေျပးေနၾကရတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဗမာျပည္မွေတာ့ အတိအက် မခန္႕မွန္းႏိုင္ေပမဲ့ ကေမာၻဒီးယား၊ လာအုိနဲ႔ ဗီယက္နမ္ ႏုိင္ငံေတြမွာ ဆုိရင္လည္း ေသဆုံးသူေပါင္းဟာ ၃၃၆ ေယာက္ထက္ မနည္းရွိခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ကုန္တိုက္က ကုန္ေနတဲ့ ကုန္ေတြ
ေရႀကီးလို႕ငတ္မွာထက္ ၀ယ္စရာမရွိလို႕ ငတ္မယ့္ကိန္း ျမင္တယ္။

ပတ္တား ပင္ေကာင္း ေရွ႕Pata Pinklao,

ေရမေရာက္မွီ ႏွင့္ ေရအေရာက္။

ေရနစ္ေတာ့မယ့္ ဗန္ေကာက္

2011-10-26T22:38:00.047+07:00

က်မၼာေရးသိပ္အဆင္မေျပတာနဲ႕ ဘေလာ့ဘက္အခ်ိန္မခြဲႏိုင္လို႕ ကူေပးေနတဲ့ဆရာကိုဗလက တယ္လီဖုန္းေတာင္ အဆက္အသြယ္လုပ္မရလို႕ဆိုပီး စိုးရိမ္တႀကီး ရရာနည္းနဲ႕ဆက္သြယ္လာရင္း ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမွာ ေရေဘးနဲ႔ႀကဳံေနရတာကို ဘေလာက္တင္ဖို႕ တိုက္တြန္းသြားပါတယ္။ ဒီကလဲတင္လိုက္မယ္ေလ ၾကာသလားလို႕ဆိုပီး ကြန္နက္ရွင္မၾကာတဲ့ ဗန္ေကာက္ကိုျပန္၀င္ဖို႕လုပ္ေတာ့ ဘန္ေကာက္မွာရွိတဲ့ တူးေျမာင္းေတြက ေရတံခါးအားလံုးကို ဖြင့္ခ်ဖို႕ ထိုင္းအစိုးရက ဆံုးျဖတ္လိုက္တဲ့အတြက္ ဘန္ေကာက္အတြင္းပိုင္း ရပ္ကြက္ဇုန္ေတြကို ေရလႊမ္းမိုးေတာ့မွာ ျဖစ္လို႕မျပန္ဖို႕ ၀ိုင္းတား ၾကပါတယ္။ တီဗီြသတင္းေတြအရလဲ တရွိန္ထိုးစီး၀င္ေနတဲ့ ေရလံုးအျပင္းစားေတြ ျမင္ရ ေတြ႕ရ ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမို့ေတာ္ အထက္က နခြန္စ၀မ္၊ ခ်ုိင္နာ့၊ အယုဒၵယ၊ နေခါင္ပထံု စတဲ့ခရိုင္ေတြမွာ ၂ လခန့္ၾကာေအာင္ လႊမ္းမိုးေနတဲ့ ေရျမဳပ္ေဒသ ပံုေတြ တေလ်ာက္လံုးျမင္ေနရတယ္ ဒီၾကားထဲ လြတ္ထြက္ေနတဲ့ မီးေက်ာင္းေတြ ျပန္ဖမ္းတာ မီးေက်ာင္းက

ဗမာလို “ ၿငိမ္“ လို႕အမိန္႕ေပးေတာ့ အဖမ္းခံ အကိုင္ခံတာ ျမင္ရလို႕ တအံ့တေၾသာၾကည့္ေနတံုး သတင္းေၾကညာသူက မီးေက်ာင္းေတြ ထိုင္းလိုနားမလည္ဘူး ဗမာစကားေတာ့နားလည္တယ္ ဆိုလို႕ ရီရေသးတယ္။

ဗန္ေကာက္ေတာင္ဖက္ကေန ၀င္လာတဲ့လမ္းတေလ်ာက္ ဘာေရမွမရွိေပမဲ့ အသင့္ျပင္ဆင္ ထားတဲ့ သဲအိပ္ ေရကာေတြ ျမင့္ရာအရပ္မွာ ရပ္ထားတဲ့ ကားေတြ တေလ်ာက္လံုး ေတြ႕လာရတယ္။ဘာေရမွေတာ့ မလာေသး။

ဒါေပမဲ့ ရပ္ကြက္ထဲ ၀င္လိုက္တာနဲ႕ သဲအိပ္ ဗန္ကာေတြ အာဖဂန္ ေရာက္ေနလားထင္ရတယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕အိမ္မ်ားမွာေတာ့ အုတ္ရိုးပါအေသ ကာေနတာ လဲေတြ႕ပါ့။
အေရးေပၚ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး ဥပေဒမွာ အပ္ႏွင္းထားတဲ့ အရပ္ဖက္ လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္အာဏာေတြကို အသုံးျပဳၿပီး ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ယင္းလပ္ရွင္န၀ပ္ (Yingluck Shinawatra)

က စားနပ္ရိကၡာ မျပတ္လပ္ေအာင္ ေထာက္ပ့ံကူညီႏုိင္မယ့္ အစီအစဥ္ေတြကုိ တုိးျမႇင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတယ္။ အစာေရစာမ်ားလိုအပ္တာထက္ပိုပီး မ၀ယ္ထားဖို႕ ေျပာေနေပမဲ့ ေရသန္႕ဘူး ဆန္အိပ္ ၾကက္ဥ “မာမား“ေခါက္ဆြဲ စတာေတြဟာ ကုန္တိုက္မွာတင္မက ဆဲဗင္းမွာပါ ေျပာင္ေနတာ စေရာက္တဲ့ ေန႕၂၄ -၁၀-၁၁ ထဲက ေတြ႕ရတယ္။

မေန႕ည၂၅-၁၀-၁၁ က ေတာ့ ဘန္ ေကာက္တၿမို့လံုးကို ေရလႊမ္းမိုးနိုင္ေၾကာင္း ထိုင္းဝန္ႀကီးခ်ုပ္ မစၥစ္ယင္လတ္ရွင္နာဝပ္က ထိုင္းရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားဌာနအားလံုးကေန ေၾကညာသြားပါတယ္။

ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ုပ္ ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ၿပီးေနာက္မွာ ကုန္ေဈးနႈန္းေတြ တက္ကုန္တယ္ ဒီေန႕ေတာ့ အသီးအရြက္ကအစ အစစအရာရာ ေဈးေတြအကုန္ခုန္တက္သြားတယ္။ မေန့ကထိ ၾကက္ဥတလံုးက ၃ဘတ္ခြဲ၊ ဒီမနက္မွာ ၾကက္ဥတလံုး ၆ ဘတ္ျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ အခု ၉ဘတ္ေတာင္ သိပ္မေရာင္းျခင္။

ေရလႊမ္းမိုး ေနတဲ့ ခရိုင္အားလံုးမွာ ေရလႊမ္းမိုးမႈတားဆီးေရး၊ ေရေဘးဒုကၡသည္ ကူညီကယ္ဆယ္ေရးနဲ့ ဆက္နႊယ္ေနတဲ့ ဌာနေတြကလြဲၿပီး အစိုးရရံုးအားလံုးကို ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၇ ရက္ကေန ၃၁ ရက္ေန့အထိ ပိတ္ထားဖို့လည္း ေၾကညာလိုက္ပါတယ္။

ဘန္ ေကာက္မွာရွိတဲ့ေက်ာင္းအားလံုးနဲ့ ျပည္တြင္းေလဆိပ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဒြန္ေမာင္းေလဆိပ္ကိုလည္း ပိတ္လိုက္ၿပီး မပိတ္ရေသးတဲ့ ျပည္တြင္းေလယဉ္လိုင္းေတြဟာ စူဝမ္နဖုန္ နိုင္ငံတကာေလယဉ္ကြင္းသစ္ကို ေရႊ့ေျပာင္းၾကေၾကာင္း ဆိုင္ရာေလေၾကာင္း ကုမၸဏီေတြက ထုတ္ျပန္ထားပါတယ္။

ေခ်ာင္ဖုရာျမစ္ကမ္းတေလ်ာက္နဲ႕ စီရီရာ့ ေဆးရံုစသည္တို႕ ေရေရာက္ေနၿပီျဖစ္ၿပီး ဘုရင္ႀကီး ေဆးဝါးကုသ မႈခံယူရာစီရီရာ့ ေဆးရံုကို ေရမ၀င္ေအာင္ အေလးေပး ကာကြယ္ေနၾကပါတယ္။

ေရတံခါးေတြ ဖြင့္ခ်တာေၾကာင့္ အတြင္းပိုင္းက ဖဟိုယိုထင္၊ လာ့ဖေရာင္း၊ ရာမာ ၉၊ ဖက္ခ်္ဘူရီ၊ စူခြန္ဗစ္၊ ရာမာ ၄ စတဲ့ လမ္းေတြနဲ့ ့ ရပ္ကြက္ဇုန္ အမ်ားအျပားကို ဒူးဆစ္မွ ခါးအထိ ေရတျဖည္းျဖည္း လႊမ္းမိုးသြားမွာပါ။

ထိုင္းရုပ္သံ အစီအစဉ္ကေန ၂ လေလာက္ၾကာေအာင္ ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမို့ရဲ့ တစိတ္တေဒသ ေရလႊမ္းမယ္လို့ ေျပာဆို ထားပါတယ္။

ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ Yingluck Shinawatra နဲ႕ အတိက္အခံေခါင္းေဆာင္ Abhisit Vejjajiva

ေရႀကီး ေနသည့္ ေနရာ မ်ား ကို ထိုင္းစစ္တပ္ ႏွင့္ အကူ အညီေပး ေရး အဖြဲ ့ မ်ား က
သြား ေရာက္ ကယ္ဆယ္ မႈ မ်ား ျပဳ လုပ္ ေနသည္။

Mr Abhisit က ဒီျပႆနာျဖစ္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ အစိုးရရဲ႕လုပ္ကိုင္မႈေတြကို ေထာက္ခံ အားေပးသြားမယ္လို႔ ကတိျပဳထားပါတယ္။

ျမဘုရားေရွ႕

ေျမပံုပါ ေရလြတ္ေနေသးတဲ့ေနရာမွာ က်ေနာ္ေနပါတယ္။ေရအေျခအေန ဆက္ေရးပါမယ္။

ဒီေရေဘးေၾကာင့္ စီးပြားေရးအရ ေဒၚလာ သန္း ၆,၀၀၀ ဖိုး ဆံုးရံႈးမႈရိွတယ္လို႔ စီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္ေတြက ခန္႔မွန္းပါတယ္။

ေရေဘးဒဏ္ခံရတဲ့ ကုန္ထုတ္လုပ္ေရးသမားေတြ၊ အေသးစားနဲ႔ အလယ္အလတ္လုပ္ငန္းပိုင္ရွင္ေတြ၊ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ရပ္တည္တဲ့ စီးပြားေရးသမားေတြကို ကူညီဖို႔အတြက္ ေဒၚလာ သန္း ၈,၀၀၀ ထုတ္ေခ်းဖို႔ ၀န္ႀကီးအဖဲြ႔က အတည္ျပဳလိုက္ပါတယ္။

“ဘန္ေကာက္မွာေတာ့ ဘယ္ေနရာေတြမွာ ေရဘယ္ေလာက္တက္မယ္၊ စင္တီမီတာ ဘယ္ေလာက္အထိတက္မယ္ ဆိုတာကို သတ္မွတ္ထားတာ ရွိပါတယ္။ ေရႊ့ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားေတြဆုိရင္ သူတုိ့ရဲ့ အေရးႀကီး ပစၥည္း၊ စာရြက္စာတမ္းေတြ သိမ္းထားဖို ့လိုပါတယ္။ အကူအညီေပးမယ့္ အဖြဲ့အစည္းေတြရဲ့ ဖုန္းနံပါတ္ေတြကိုလည္း သိထားဖို ့လိုပါမယ္။

ဘန္ေကာက္ ေရေဘးဒုကၡသည္ေတြထဲက ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားေတြကိုေတာ့ နိုင္ငံတကာ ဒုကၡသည္ေကာ္မတီ (အိုင္အာစီ) အပါ၀င္ အဖြဲ့အစည္း ၂၀ ေက်ာ္ ပူးေပါင္း ဖြဲ့စည္းထားတဲ့ Migrant Working Group က ကူညီေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးေနပါတယ္။

ေရေဘးသင့္ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားေတြ အေရးေပၚ အကူအညီ ေတာင္းနိုင္ဖို့ ဖုန္းနံပတ္ေတြထဲက တခ်ုိ ့ကေတာ့ ၀၈၂-၄၉၈၉၅၈၅၊ ၀၈၁-၆၈၄၀၆၁၂၊ ၀၈၁-၄၅၂၇၂၂၁၊ ၀၈၅-၉၂၂၈၄၅၁၊ ဝ၈၅-၃၂၆၈၂၆၃၊ ဝ၈၁-၆၂ဝ၄၄၈၆၊ ဝ၈၅-၃၃၂၇၅၅၃၊ ဝ၈၃-ဝ၆၂၇၅၄၃၁၊ ဝ၈၄-၆၃၇၅၂၇၁

ဗမာလိုေျပာနိင္ပါတယ္။