kabarmakyay: ညီညႊတ္ျခင္းသည္ အင္အား

11/11/2009

ညီညႊတ္ျခင္းသည္ အင္အား

Unite we stand, divide we fail

ဘိုးဘြားအစဥ္ အဆက္ ေျပာလာျကတဲ့ စကားေပမဲ့ မရုိးႏုိုင္တဲ့ တခုပါဘဲ။ ဒီေန႔ အထိလဲ လက္ေတြ႔ျဖစ္ရပ္က ညီညႊတ္မွ အားရွိတယ္။ စြမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္တယ္။ ျပီးေျမာက္ႏုိင္ တယ္။ ဆိုတာကို ေတြ႔ေန သိေနျကရတာပါဘဲ။ ညီညႊတ္ျခင္းသည္ အင္ အားဆိုတာကို အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ပံုေဆာင္ျပီး ေျပာခဲ့ျကတာလဲ မ်ားပါျပီ။ က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ လက္ေတြ႔အားျဖင့္ ဘယ္လိုညီညႊတ္ေရး မ်ဳိးကို တည္ေဆာက္မလဲ ဆိုတာ နဲ႔ ညီညႊတ္ေရးကို ဘယ္လိုနည္းနဲ႔ တည္ေဆာက္ျကမလဲ ဆိုတာကိုဘဲ ေျပာဆိုျကံဆ ခ်င္တာပါ။

တိုင္းေရးျပည္ေရးမွာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ဘဲ စိတ္ေစတနာ ေကာင္းေကာင္း၊ ဘယ္လိုဘဲဉာဏ္ပညာေတြရွိပါေစ၊ ဘာအ ေျခေနေတြဘဲ ေပးေပး၊ ကိုယ့္မွာ အင္အား မရွိရင္ေတာ့ ဘာမွ လုပ္လို႔ မရဘူးဆိုတာ အႏွစ္ ၂ဝ- ခရီးက ဆံုးမသင္ျကားျပီး ပါျပီ။ တကယ့္ကို တိုင္းခ်စ္ျပည္ခ်စ္စိတ္ဓါတ္နဲ႔ တိုင္းက်ဳိးျပည္က်ဳိးကို ျပီးေျမာက္ေအာင္ျမင္ေအာင္ လုပ္ခ်င္ျကတာ ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ အင္အား ရွိေအာင္ လုပ္ဖို႔ လိုျပီဆိုတာ ထူးေျပာစရာ မလိုေတာ့ဘူးထင္ပါတယ္။ ကဲ ဒါဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အင္အားျဖစ္ေစမဲ့

ညီညြတ္ေရးကို ဘာ့ေျကာင့္မ်ား မလုပ္ႏိုင္ျကေသးတာလဲ။

နဂါးျကီး ရဲ႔ အျမီးျဖစ္ရတာထက္၊ ျကက္ကေလးရဲ့ ေခါင္းျဖစ္ရတာက ပိုေကာင္းတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ တရုတ္ ေတြရဲ့ ကြန္ျဖဴးရွပ္ အေတြးအေခၚ အယူအဆကို ဗမာေတြက ပိုလို႔ ျကိုက္ျကပံုေပၚပါတယ္။ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ရာ ႏိုင္ရာ အဖြဲ႔ေသးေလးမွာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ လုပ္ျပီး ထင္ရာျမင္ရာ လုပ္ေနရတာကို ပိုလို႔ သည္းေျချကိုက္ျကပံုေပၚျပီး၊ စစ္အစိုးရကို ယွဥ္ျပိုင္နိုင္ ေလာက္ ေအာင္ အင္အားရွိတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ျကီးျဖစ္ဖို႔ စည္းစံနစ္ျကတဲ့ ယႏၱယားျကီး ျဖစ္ဖို႔ အတြက္ စုစည္းေပါင္းစပ္ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးကို ေတာ့ သိပ္သေဘာေတြ႔ျကပံု မေပၚပါဘူး။ အဲဒါေျကာင့္ ဒီေန႔အထိ ေအာင္ျမင္ထိေရာက္တဲ့ တပ္ေပါင္းစုျကီးမ်ိဳး ကို မတည္ ေဆာက္ နိုင္ေသးတာလားလို႔ ယူဆခ်င္စရာ ပါဘဲ။

ေနာက္ျမင္မိတဲ့ ျပႆနာ တခုကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႔ သိျမင္နားလည္မႈပံုစံ လို႔ထင္ပါတယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ေတြက ေနဝင္းရဲ႔ မဆလ ပံုစံ တပါတီ အာဏာရွင္ စံနစ္ေအာက္မွာ ေမြးဖြါးျကီးျပင္းခဲ့ျကျပီး ဒါတခုဘဲျမင္ဘူးျကားဘူး ခဲ့လို႔ ဒါတခုဘဲ နားလည္ ျကပံုေပၚပါတယ္။ အဲဒါေျကာင့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟ့ဆိုရင္ နံပါတ္တစ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကိုဘဲ နားလည္ပါတယ္။ အာဏာ ဆိုလဲ အျပည့္ အာဏာ ကိုဘဲ နားလည္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ေတြထဲမွာ တာဝန္ခြဲေဝယူတာ အာဏာ ခြဲေဝ က်င့္ သံုးတာ အမ်ားစုေပါင္းဆံုးျဖတ္တာ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်မွတ္ထားတာကို ေလးစားလိုက္နာတာ ေတြမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အားနဲျကျပီးေတာ့ မ်ားေသာအားျဖင့္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ အခြင့္အာဏာ ေတြဟာ လူတဦးတေယာက္ ဆီကေန လာတာ မ်ားပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာလဲ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ လိုအပ္သလို ျကီးထြားမလာနိုင္တဲ့ အေျကာင္းတခု ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုအျခခံျကတဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြ အေသးေလးေတြကို တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ ျပင္ဆင္ျကရင္း အမ်ားဆံုခ်က္ျကႏိုင္တဲ့ ေပၚလစီကို ရေအာင္လုပ္ဖို႔ ဆိုေတာ့ အလြန္ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ဆန္တဲ့ မျဖစ္နိုင္ေလာက္ေအာင္ အလွမ္းေဝး တဲ့ကိစၥလို ျဖစ္ေနပါေတာ့တယ္။

ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔အေနနဲ႔ နအဖ နဲ႔ ႏိႈင္းယွဥ္နိုင္ေလာက္ေအာင္ ယွဥ္ျပိုင္နိုင္ေလာက္ေအာင္ ျကီးထြားမလာနိုင္ဘူး ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ျပႆနာေတြကို တရားမွ်တစြာေျဖရွင္းျပီး ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္တည္ေဆာက္ဖို႔ မျဖစ္နိုင္ပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္တို႔အေနနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသား ညီညြတ္ေရးအတြက္ နအဖနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ျကားေစ့ေရး ေျပာခ်င္ေနျကေပမဲ့ အားလံုးကိုျငင္းဆန္ျပီး ျပႆနာ လုပ္ေနတဲ့ နအဖကို ယွဥ္ျပိဳင္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္ေနတဲ့ ညီညြတ္ေရးအတြက္ေတာ့ ကိုယ္အခ်င္းခ်င္း ရင္ျကားေစ့ေရး မလုပ္ႏိုင္ျက ဘူးလား။ မလုပ္ခ်င္ျက ဘူးလား။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လဲ။

က်ေနာ္အျမင္မွာေတာ့ အနီးဆံုးလူနဲ႔ အရင္ဆံုးရင္ျကားေစ့ေရး လုပ္သြားျကရင္ သဘာဝပိုျကတယ္ ထင္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ဆိုလိုခ်င္တာကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ တို႔ကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ ပိုအင္အားရွိလာေအာင္ ပိုလို႔ ျကီးမားက်ယ္ျပန္႔တဲ့ စုရုံးမႈေတြျဖစ္ လာေအာင္လုပ္ဖို႔ပါဘဲ။ ကိုယ္နဲ႔ပို ျပီးနီးစပ္တဲ့သူ ပိုတူတဲ့သူေတြနဲ႔ေတာ့ ညီညႊတ္ေရးမလုပ္ႏိုင္ဘူး၊ ရင္ျကားေစ့ေရး မလုပ္ႏိုင္ဘူး အာဏာကိုင္ထားျပီး အားလံုးကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေနတဲ့ နအဖနဲ႔ေတာ့ ရင္ျကားေစ့ေရး လုပ္ခ်င္တယ္ ေျပာေနတာဟာ က်ေနာ့ အျမင္ ေတာ့ အဓိပၸါယ္တမ်ဳိးျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ကုိယ့္ကုိကုိယ္ႀကီးေအာင္မလုပ္ခဲ့ၾကပါဘူး၊ ေသးေအာင္လုပ္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ အဆင့္ဆင့္ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ခြဲျခားတဲ့ကြဲျပား တဲ့နည္းေတြနဲ႔ ကိုယ့္ကိုကိုယ္ ေသးငယ္က်ဥ္းေျမာင္းၿပီး အထီးက်န္ေအာင္လုပ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ တကယ္ဆုိ စစ္အစုိးရကို ဆန္႔က်င္သူျခင္း စည္းရုံးပူးေပါင္းၾကရမွာအစား ငါတုိ႔က ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေတြ သူတုိ႔က ၇၄- ၆၂ ဆုိၿပီးခဲြခဲ့တဲ့ အျပင္၊ နဲနဲ ေနာက္ က်ၿပီးမွ ထြက္လာသူေတြကုိေတာင္ သူတုိ႔က ၉ဝ ခုႏွစ္သမားေတြလုိ႔ဆိုခဲ့တယ္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းေန႔တည္း မွာရွိေနတဲ့သူခ်င္း ေတာင္ ငါတုိ႔က ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမား သူတို႔က ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားဆုိၿပီးခြဲတယ္။ ကုိယ့္ျပည္သူနဲ႔ တသားတည္းျဖစ္ေအာင္ စည္းရုံး ရမဲ့အစား၊ ေနရမဲ့အစား ငါတုိ႔က ေတာ္လွန္ေရးနဲ႔လာတာ သူတုိ႔က စီးပြားေရး နဲ႔လာတာ ဆိုၿပီၤးခြဲေသးတယ္။

မတူမညီမႈေတြကုိအသိအမွတ္ျပဳရမွာ မွန္ေပမဲ့ ပုၿိပီးႀကီးထြား အင္အားမ်ားလာဖုိ႔ေတာ့ တူတာရွာၿပီး က်ယ္က်ယ္ ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ပူးေပါင္းၾကမွ ကုိယ္က အမ်ားစု ျဖစ္လာမွာ အင္အားမ်ားလာမွာေပါ့၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ တေလွ်ာက္လံုးမွာ လုပ္ခဲ့တာ ေတြမွာ အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ အင္အားျကီးလာဖို႔ အက်ယ္အျပန္႔ စုရုံးမႈေတြျဖစ္လာဖို႔ မဟုတ္ခဲ့ဘဲ၊ အင္အားေသးသြားေအာင္ က်ဥ္းေျမာင္း ျကံုလွီသြားေအာင္ လုပ္ခဲ့သလိုဘဲ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။

ဗမာေတြက သိပ္ပါးနပ္ၾကတယ္- ဥာဏ္ရည္ေကာင္း ၾကတယ္။ ျမင္လြယ္ သိလြယ္တယ္လုိ႔ ထင္ၾကေျပာၾကတယ္ မွန္သင့္ သေလာက္လဲမွန္ေပၚပံုပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ - - -

၈၈ အေရးေတာ္ပုံႀကီးက တကယ္ဘဲႀကီးမား ေျပာင္ေျမာက္တာပါ လူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအခ်ိန္ကလဲ အမ်ားႀကီး ျမင့္မားခဲ့တာပါ၊ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ဘဲ ဒီမုိကေရစီ အေရးက မၾကာ မတင္ ဆုိတာလုိ ေျမႀကီး လက္ ခတ္မလြဲ ေအာင္ပြဲ ခံေတာ့ မလုိဘဲ။ ဒီ ၈၈ အရွိန္ အဟုန္ႀကီးနဲ႔ အျဖစ္အပ်က္ အေျခအေနကုိ သစၥာေဖါက္ေတြက ေကာင္းေကာင္း အခြင့္အေရး ယူအသုံးခ်သြားခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေအာင္ပြဲခံႏိုင္ဖို႔ အာရုံစိုက္ ျကိုးပမ္းရမဲ့ အစား ကိုယ့္ရဲ့ အဆင့္ေနရာ တိုးတက္ ေကာင္းမြန္ျပီး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ( ငါလုပ္ေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး) ျဖစ္ေရးကို လုပ္ခဲ့ျကသည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေရးေတာ္ပံုျကီး ေအာင္ပြဲ ခံႏိုင္ေရး အားစိုက္ျကရမဲ့အစား ေခတ္ပ်က္မွာ သူေဌးျဖစ္ဖို႔ ျကိုးစားေနခဲ့ျကသည္။ ဒီလိုနည္းနဲ႔ လူပါးလူနပ္ လုပ္ျခင္းမ်ားက က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးကို သစၥာေဖါက္ခဲ့ျကသျဖင့္ ခုေတာ့ တမ်ဳိးသားလံုး ဆံုးရႈံးကာ က်ဆံုးအမ်ဳိးသား တိုင္းျပည္ျဖစ္ ေတာ့မည္။ ဒါကိုေက်ာ္လႊားႏိုင္ဖို႔ အမ်ဳိးသားရင္ျကားေစ့ေရး၊ တမ်ဳိးသားလံုးစည္းလံုး ညီညြတ္ေရး လုပ္ႏိုင္မွျဖစ္မည္။

ဒီအမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္ ရင္ျကားေစ့ေရးမွာ အာဏာယစ္မူးလို႔ ဆန္႔က်င္ေဖါက္ျပန္ေနတဲ့ နအဖ ကို ထဲ့တြက္လို႔ မရေတာ့ဘူး ထားပါေတာ့။ ဒီအမ်ဳိးသား ျပန္လည္ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရး ထဲမွာ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေတြ မပါရဘူးလား၊ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေတြ မပါဘဲနဲ႔ အလုပ္ေကာျဖစ္ပါ့မလား၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ဘက္သားေတြ ဆိုသူေတြက၊ အေမရိကန္ႏွင့္ အေနာက္ႏုိငံသားေတြ၊ အိႏိၵယ အပါဝင္ ကုိ ဆြဲေဆာင္ဖုိ႔ နည္းလမ္းတခုအေနနဲ႔ တရုတ္ႀကီးထြားလာမႈကုိ အႏၱရာယ္ အျဖစ္ လက္ညုိးထုိးျပေနခဲ့ရင္ ----

ဗကပေတြနဲ႔ လက္ဝဲသမား ေတြကလဲ တရုတ္ရဲ ့ အားေပးေထာက္ခံမႈကုိ ရဖုိ႔အတြက္ အေမရိကန္ရဲ႔ ကမBာပါတ္ လႊမ္းမုိးေရး ရည္မွန္းခ်က္အႏၵရာယ္ ကုိ လက္ညုိးထုိး ေနမယ္ ဆုိရင္- - - ၾကားထဲက အျမတ္ထြက္ေနမွာက န အ ဖ စစ္အုပ္စုဘဲ ျဖစ္ တယ္။ ဒါက ဥပမာ ခပ္ျကီးျကီးကို ေပးတာပါ၊ လူတဦးျခင္းအဆင့္အထိ ကိုယ့္ကိုကိုယ္ေကာင္းေအာင္ လုပ္ဖို႔ထက္ သူတပါးကို မေကာင္းေျကာင္း ေျပာႏိုင္ဖို႔ အားစိုက္ေနျကရင္ စည္းရုံးေရးလုပ္ဖို႔ ပိုပိုခက္လာေနမွာပါ။ အဲဒါေျကာင့္ တဖြဲ႔ကို တဖြဲ႔၊ တဦးကို တဦး တိုက္ခိုက္ ႏွိပ္ကြပ္တာ၊ ကန္႔သပ္တားဆီးထားဖို႔ ျကိုးစားတာေတြကို ရပ္လိုက္ျကဖို႔ လိုပါတယ္။

ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျကီးငယ္မ်ားက နံပါတ္ ၁ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ျဖစ္ဖို႔ အိမ္မက္ေတြကို ခနဘဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ စြန္႔လႊတ္ျပီးေတာ့ ေရာက္ တဲ့ ေနရာက လက္တကမ္းအမွီမွာရွိတဲ့ အလုပ္ေတြကို အက်အန စျပီးဦးေဆာင္မႈ ေပးျကရင္ေတာ့ အေျခခံေတြဟာ စျပီးဖြံျဖဳိး လာ ႏုိင္စရာ ရွိပါတယ္။ နယ္ပါယ္အသစ္ေတြ၊ လုပ္ငန္းအမ်ဳိးအစားသစ္ေတြ၊ ဦးေဆာင္မႈအသစ္ေတြကို အသိအမွတ္ ျပဳျကရပါ မယ္။ (ဥပမာ -- - ေကာ္လိုရာဒိုေရာက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအသင္း၊ အခမဲ့က်မၼာေရးစစ္ေဆးမႈ၊ ႏွင့္ ဦးေဆာင္ ဦးရြက္ျပဳခဲ့သူ ဦးတင္ထြန္း။ ဆစ္ဒနီက ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးစုအဖြဲ႔၊ ဗမာစာသင္ေက်ာင္း နဲ႔ ေဒါက္တာသန္းႏိုင္) အမ်ားျကီးရွိမွာပါ။ ဒီဖြံ႔ျဖဳိးတိုးတက္မႈ ကို အလံုအေလာက္ တိုးခ်ဲ႔ႏိုင္တယ္ဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဗမာႏုိင္ငံအေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈ နဲ႔ အနာဂါတ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု တည္ေဆာက္ေရး ကို အမ်ားျကီး အက်ဳိးသက္ေရာက္မႈ ျဖစ္လာမွာပါ။ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ျဖစ္လာေအာင္လဲ အမ်ားျကီးေစ့ေဆာ္လာပါလိမၼယ္။

လက္ရွိမွာကို လုပ္ေနကိုင္ေနျကတဲ့ လုပ္ႏိုင္ကိုင္ႏိုင္ရွိျကတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျကီးငယ္မ်ားကို၊ ညီညႊတ္ေရးလုပ္ႏိုင္ရင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတိုးတက္ေအာင္ လုပ္ႏုိင္လိမၼယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ အယူအဆနဲ႔ ျကိုးစားခဲ့ျကတာလဲ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး၊ အျကိမ္ျကိမ္ ပါဘဲ မေအာင္ ျမင္ေသးပါဘူး။ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကြဲရင္ အဖြဲ႔ေတြကြဲတဲ့ အေတြ႔အျကံုကေတာ့ အမ်ားျကီးရွိျပီးပါျပီ။ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ စည္းလံုး သြားျကျပီး အဖြဲ႔ေတြ ေပါင္းစည္းသြားျကတဲ့ အေတြ႔အျကံုလဲ လံုးဝမရွိခဲ့ျကတာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဂဂ - အေရးအခင္းအျပီး လက္နက္ကိုင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအတြက္ ထြက္လာျကေတာ့ စခန္းအသီးသီးေရာက္ျပီး ကြဲျပားေနရာက ေအဘီအက္စ္ဒီအက္ဖ္ ကို စုရုံးေပါင္းစည္းတည္ေထာင္ ႏိုင္ခဲ့ျကတာပါဘဲ။ ခုခ်ိန္မွာရွိေနတဲ့ အကြဲမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ေတာ့ မတူဘူးေပါ့ေလ။ စုစည္းတည္ေဆာက္ခ်င္ တဲ့ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ယႏၵယားျခင္းလဲ မတူတာေတာ့ ရွိတာေပါ့။

ကမၻာ့ တျခားေနရာေတြက နည္းနာေတြ အျဖစ္အပ်က္ေတြကို လက္လွမ္းမွီသေလာက္ ေလ့လာျကည့္ေတာ့ ယူေက က ပါလီမန္ဒီမိုကေရစီ မွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြ သံုးတဲ့ Shadow Cabine ကို စိတ္ဝင္စားမိပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျကီးငယ္ေတြ၊ လူေတာ္ေတြကို ျဗိတိသွ် ပါလီမန္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္မဲ့ ပါတီေတြရဲ့ ရွဲဒိုးကက္ ဘိနက္ ညွိနိဳင္းမႈမ်ဳိးနဲ႔မ်ား စုစည္းျကရင္ နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရရဲ့ ယႏၵယားကို ယွဥ္ႏိုင္ေလာက္တဲ့ ဖက္ဒရယ္ အစိုးရ ယႏၵယားကို စုရုံးတည္ေဆာက္လို႔ ရမလားလို႔၊ ျကံဆျကည့္မိပါတယ္။ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျကီးငယ္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔ကေတာ့ ငါနဲ႔ ညီညႊတ္ခ်င္ရင္ ငါ့ ေအာက္ကိုဝင္၊ ငါ့ေနာက္က လိုက္ ဆိုတဲ့ အယူအဆ အျပဳအမူမ်ဳိးကို စြန္႔လႊတ္ျပီး၊ အားလံုးရဲ့အနာဂါတ္ အတြက္ ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈကို အာရုံစိုက္သင့္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေနရာမွာ အလွ်င္းသင့္လို႔ ဆရာမ ေဒၚခင္မမမ်ဳိးေရးတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ အမ်ဳိးသမီး အခြင့္အလမ္း လႈပ္ရွားမႈ သမိုင္းေျကာင္း ဆိုတဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါးထဲက စာတခ်ဳိ႔ကို ေကာက္ႏုတ္ တင္ျပခ်င္ပါတယ္။

(အက္လီဇဘက္ဟာ ၁၉၅၁ ခုႏွစ္မွာ အန္တိုနီဆိုတဲ့ အမ်ိဳးသမီးတဦးကို စတင္ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူတို႕ႏွစ္ေယာက္ဟာ အေတြးအေခၚနဲ႕ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္တူညီတဲ့အတြက္ တဦးနဲ႕တဦး ကူညီေထာက္ခံတဲ့ ဘ၀တသက္တာ မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားအျဖစ္ ယံုၾကည္မွဳတည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ အန္တိုနီက ဖြဲ႕စည္းတည္ ေဆာက္ေရးနဲ႕ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာ ေရးဆြဲေရးေတြမွာ အားသာခ်က္ရွိပါတယ္။ အက္လီဇဘက္မွာ လူထုေဟာေျပာမွုနဲ႕ စည္းရံုးေရးစြမ္းရည္ေတြမွာ အားသာခ်က္ရွိပါတယ္။

လွဳပ္ရွားမွုတခုမွာ ဒီစြမ္းရည္ေတြက အေရးၾကီးဆံုး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ စင္ေပၚမွာ ကျပရတဲ့ အရည္အခ်င္းေတြနဲ႕ စင္ေနာက္မွာ ဇာတ္ညႊန္းေရးဆြဲရတဲ့ အရည္အခ်င္းေတြလို႕ အတိုခ်ံဳး ဆိုႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ လူ႕စိတ္ဆိုတာကလဲ အေတာ္ရွဳပ္ေထြးပါတယ္။ လူအမ်ားက စင္ေပၚမွာ ကျပရင္း ရလာမယ့္ ေက်ာ္ၾကားမွဳေတြ၊ လက္ခုပ္သံေတြကို လူမသိ၊ သူမသိနဲ႕ စင္ေနာက္မွာေနျပီး ကိုယ့္ဇာတ္ညြန္းေအာင္ျမင္သြားလို႕ ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္တဲ့ ပီတိ အရသာေတြထက္ ပိုျပီး ႏွစ္သက္တတ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုျဖစ္လာတဲ့အခါ မင္းသားၾကီး မလုပ္ရလို႕ ပတ္မထိုးေဖာက္သူေတြ၊ စင္ေပၚ မရမေန ကုတ္ကပ္တက္သူေတြ၊ တစင္ေထာင္သူေတြ မ်ားလာျပီး လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳစင္လဲ ျပိဳလဲေတာ့တာပါပဲ။ စင္ေပၚက အရည္အခ်င္းနဲ႕ စင္ေနာက္က အရည္အခ်င္း ရွိသူေတြ ဟန္ခ်က္ညီ လက္တြဲမိႏိုင္ဖို႕ အလြန္ပဲ အေရးၾကီးပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳတိုင္းရဲ႕ အသက္ေသြးေၾကာပါပဲ။ ) ခင္မမမ်ဳိး

အခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ ေျပာလိုတာက စင္ေအာက္က ကန္႔လန္႔ကာေနာက္က လုပ္ေပးရင္းနဲ႔ ျဖစ္သင့္တာေတြ ျဖစ္ေစခ်င္တာေတြ၊ ေအာင္ျမင္ျဖစ္ေျမာက္လာတာ ျကည့္ျပီး ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ႏွစ္သက္ေျကနပ္ ေနတတ္သူေတြ ရွိတယ္ဆိုတာကို ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျကီးမ်ားက ယံုျကည္စိတ္ခ်စြာနဲ႔ စုရုံးမႈေတြ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြကို လက္ခံဖို႔ပါ။ ဒါနဲ႔တင္ လုပ္ငန္းေတြက ေတာ္ျကီးျမန္ျမန္ဆန္ဆန္ တဆင့္တိုးသြားနဳိင္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ့ အရည္အခ်င္းေတြကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ ရိုးရိုးသားသား ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း အသိမွတ္ျပဳျပီး အားလံုးရဲ့ အနာဂါတ္အတြက္ ေပါင္းစည္းျကပါစို႔။

ေကာင္းမြန္ေသာ အနာဂါတ္ကို ေမွ်ာ္လင့္လွ်က္

ဗလ

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Maung Thar Kyaw

The Statement, dated October 30^th, and with the Place mentioned as: Sane Lai Kan Thar, the name of the State Guest House: ‘from 13:00 to 13:55 Daw Aung San Su Kyi [ASSK] came to see Union Minister U Aung Kyi, as she was invited by the Government of the Republic of Myanmar’ was issued.

At the Meeting the discussion dwelled on the situation where ‘the State is providing necessary assistances [meaning Constitution Amendments, for example, I guess]; and, in order to have economic development views on the importance of freedom of trade, and free circulation of currencies were also discussed’. And also, ‘the progress of the State’s undertakings to obtain perpetual peace initiatives with ethnic armed groups and the people that should be included in the amnesty were discussed’. Meetings in the future shall convene is agreed.

Details of the entire Meeting were not disclosed, as usual. This is the fourth time such Meeting had taken place.

After the Third Meeting between the two factions the Statement mentioned that the President was considering Amnesty, to join hands in controlling the flow of the Irrawaddy River, to bring in into legal folds of the people who are undergoing armed rebellion; and peace and rule of law were discussed.

After meeting with Aung Kyi twice ASSK met the President Thein Sein in August in Naypyidor. Soon afterward, over 200 so-called political prisoners were released under Amnesty Order. So-called political prisoner because the Governing clique consistently mentioned there is no political prisoners in Myanmar though there are plenty. There is some truth in the government’s claim that there is no political prisoner because no one was arrested under political issues but rather on criminal charges - for example: currency law, or disturbing public tranquility, etc.

ASSK met with Aung Kyi nine times under the previous military government but there was no substantive result whatsoever came out.

The Government came into existence on January 31, 2011 under the caption of the Government of the Republic of Myanmar with its President elected by the Union Parliament, a former military officer General Thein Sein. Many opinionated this General is a Dove – a soft liner, and his Deputy President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo [Shit Loane], another ex-General is a Hawk – a hard liner; all baloney; they all are one liner, i.e. for the prosperity and welfare of the Armed Forces, meaning the top and upper echelon of the Army, under the guise of democracy.

New Guise needs, of course, new format and that new format is what the new government is formatting or formatted by the military junta before the State Power was transferred and implementing it as planned. Whether former SG Than Shwe is pulling the string from behind or is he still involved in day to day affairs are all irrelevant, though his State managed private office near Oatparta Thati Pagoda in Naypyidor is hooked with Online TV honing in onto the proceedings of the Union Parliament. He knows or he is privy to know who is behaving or misbehaving in the Union Parliament but whether he is watching the TV is something yet to be known or playing his favorite games.

The Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature were formed and on March 30^th the State Power was transferred; the military junta SPDC was dissolved. The Ministry of Interior had given warnings to NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and Secretary ASSK in the last week of June to stop all its political activities as NLD is no political party according to the Party Registration Law of the Union Election Commission. The Ministry warning emphatically mentioned that NLD’s actions were intentionally motivated against the Law.

On top of that Union Election Commission had warned with a letter dated April 5^th to all 37 Registered Political Parties not to communicate with illegal political entities. Presumably, political circles as well as diplomatic community considered the warning was directed towards NDL.

Though the new government’s changing color is visible it is still noticeably unruly. The disregards of public opinions as well as international barrages remain as the hallmark of the Thein Sein’s Administration.

Disregarding its own Ministry’s Order Thein Sein allowed Minister Aung Kyi to parley with ASSK and even invited her to Naypyidor and received her exclusively where all political leaders from the Registered Political Parties are treated shabbily at the same occasion.

The Constitution was amended proposed by the Union Election Commission regarding the Membership where criminals cannot be party members or a political entity cannot register if its members are serving criminals. That phrase has now been erased for the sake of NLD. That amendment had made eased NLD to avoid the issue of abandoning its own jailed members when and if they apply for Party Registration.

The antagonistic political ogres of Burma are, on the visual body politics, in cordial relationship. One is, up to recent past, enjoyed full support of China and now trying its best to veer off to get into the western orbit. The other ogre has, from the very beginning to present, receives consistent and absolute no-matter-what support from the western camp. It has four Radio stations providing overwhelming support in high volume of propaganda just for one person, viz. Radio Free Asia and Voice of America [two US outfits], BBC [British outfit], and Democratic Voice of Burma [EU outfit] beaming into Burma where people are socket in with one line to support, day in and day out, every day. This ogre is the western group’s horse of Burma and Thein Sein Administration wants to ride along with that horse to the winning post. Is consistent propping up necessitate a leader to become an icon? Yes, it is, at least in Burma, it has been proven!

Within a couple of days NLD will decide whether to register and the outcome is quite predictable: ‘if ASSK is promised to contest in the upcoming By-election then NLD will allow to Register by ASSK regardless of party or public opinion’. Does it mean: ‘if she is not allowed to contest in the upcoming By-election’ then NLD will not be permitted to register by ASSK? Quite likely so, as all the past behaviors indicated that: ‘person is superior to policy’, and the ‘party is dispensable’.

So far, there is no knowledge that the outcome of the Aung Kyi-Su Kyi Meeting had agreed whether ASSK will be allowed to contest in the election. If that is the case the amendment of the constitution will be a major issue. At the end of the day, one faction will sure to swallow the other like python. No on

e knows, which one will come out as the python and which one is Mai Dwe Lay.

Maung Thar Kyaw

Taiwan, November 3, 2011.

Here she is, Thinzar Win, on the right.

Could you still think you are looking at Burmese girls who are posting for this photo in Rangoon? If you think the junta is to be blamed for all decadent aspects, then, your thinking may be inconclusive.

Shwedarling.com, a website for dating and mating prevails in today’s Burma. In 1988 no one could dream that Burma would be at this stage today but it has advanced so fast and so vast.

Infested with nouveau riche in the ngathalau’ economy decadences are abound; instead of tea break at usual hour at or around 4:00 PM now the nouveau riche have new past time at 3:30 PM or so – “Time to squeeze Pau’ Si” at Karaoke bars that are mushrooming through out Burma!

Junta’s policies may have pushed urbanites to that corner but it is just a plain excuse. Getting along by going along is a sin, by all means.

Here is another exhibit to think of!

Moe Hay Ko, another Model, good at Catwalk as well as other walks – bed walk [?] smooching somewhere in the quiet corner!

Salamani Kantchalar!

Burma was under absolute monarchy from 1044 AD until 1885 AD and was under different dynasties. The Monarchs yearned to possess White Elephant; i.e. to claim as the Owner of the White Elephant or Sin Phyu Shin, or, if they have more than one White Elephant, then, Sin Phyu Myarr Shin!

One White Elephant-crazy king even commanded to retrieve a dead elephant floated down the river that had resemblances of White Elephant and kept in his palace and claimed he was the Sin Phuy Shin.

White Elephant is considered to represent the power and glory of the Owner and the White Elephant would appear, according to the myth, only if the Ruler of the country has strong Power and Glory.

Burma has dictators since 1962: viz. Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe; and, all of them seem to believe that they were the royalty somehow or other. The last dynasty, Koane Baung, ended with His Majesty King Thibaw. The prophecy had it that there would be 13 Koane Baung kings to reign Burma. Thibaw was the 11th and two more kings are yet to reign. Ne Win presumed he was the 12th Koane Baung King! Saw Maung seemed to have believed that he was the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and, Than Shwe believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun.

During Thar Lun Than Shwe’s reign, a White Elephant was sited in the jungle of Rakhine State. With pomp and pageantry the White Elephant was brought to Rangoon, the then Nay Pyi Daw and kept in the highly decorated pavilion that befits only to the royalty with special elephant guards, etc., so on and so forth. All the necessary arrangements were carried out by MI and its Chief Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty, though he never got to the top most spot of the junta’s ivory tower. The propaganda mill was fanning at high speed that the current rulers of Burma have highly auspicious power and glory so much so that the White Elephant was presented by the Nats [Resplendent being worthy of veneration].

Within a few months after the White Elephant had settled in at the newly built pavilion a Bangladeshi, or, to be more exact, a Chittagonian, or better known in Burma as Khortaw Kalar showed up at the Bangladeshi Embassy in Rangoon, claiming that the elephant at the Pavilion was his elephant that was herded away by the Burmese while grazing in the jungle and requested the Bangladeshi Ambassador to reclaim the elephant from the Burmese junta on his behalf. To cut the story short the Ambassador along with the Officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and MI officers went to the Pavilion with the Khortaw Kalar and demanded to prove his claim.

There, Khortaw Kalar stepped out and bellowed: Salamani Kantchalar!

At the very instant the ‘Command’ was heard the White Elephant lifted up his trunk and trumpeted a very loud noise. The ‘Command’ was given for the second time and the White Elephant responded in the same manner again. Then, Khortaw Kalar commanded in more Khortaw words: the White Elephant was under complete spell of commands – sitting, kneeling, etc. Now, the claim was proven to be true and the negotiation was but started. MI ended up paying US $ 100,000.00 from the State coffer as demanded by the Khortaw Kalar for the White Elephant that was supposed to have been presented by the Nats due to the power and glory of the rulers of Burma.

Khortaw did not stop then and there. He added there are four more such elephants in his possession and they were up for sale if the price is right. MI arranged a delegation to accompany the Khortaw to his native village in the no-man’s land between Bangladesh and Burma to inspect the so called White Elephants. There, the delegation found two more White Elephants out of the four and agreed to pay US$ 200,000 a piece.

Burmese delegation could not just take the two elephants away they bought; they need the Khortaw to release the two in the Rakhine jungle for them to herd them back to Burma later as though it was naturally sited. Thus, the usurper royalties of Burma got three White Elephants at a price of US $ 500,000.

Some one got excited regarding the Salamani Kantchalar and traced back how it came into existence! In the anal of Burma there was a time when a Shan Prince by the name of Sao Han Pha, better known as Tho Han Bwa reigned Burma. He was a tyrant by all means; conceited and insolent, and very much anti-Buddhist religion. During his rein many Monks were tortured, killed and extradited to far away places and forced them from learning Buddhist scripture. Tho Han Bwa was the Daman daye [impediment endangering the teachings of Buddha] of his time. Under Tho Han Bwa, some aspects of Buddhist incantations had changed; for example: Buddhan Tharanan Gitsarmi, Dhaman Tharanan Gitsarmi but Sanghan Tharanan was turned into Gunsarmi, and Buddhan Puzaymi, Dhaman Puzaymi, and Sangan had turned into Pu-Jail-mi, just like recent events under Daman daye Thar Lun Than Shwe.

Many Burmese fled to far away places, including Burma-Bangladesh border to fight back Tho Han Bwa and/or other tyrants. There, they deployed Khortaws to attend their elephants. Khortaws were taught to learn ‘Commands’ in Burmese but it was very difficult for the Khortaws to learn the necessary commands for the elephants. By virtue of wits a Burmese gave a ‘battle command or a battle cry’ for the elephants: “Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee”, in rhyme with the actual command. That, Khortaw could learn with not much difficulty. As the time woes on the command Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee had resonance into Salamani Kantchalar!

Ne Win who presumed to be the 12th Koane Baung, Saw Maung who presumed to be the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and the cagey sly fox Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty had all but ended badly. Now we have to see how Than Shwe who believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun ended? Is it to believe that those who sit on such chairs excrete such excreta?

As a matter of fact, the real Owner of the White Elephants or the Sin Phyu Myarr Shin actually was the Khortaw Kalar of Bangladesh!

By the way,
All the Usurpers,
Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe are mere “Suu Yauts”!