7/27/2009

ခ်စ္ဇနီးေလးေယာက္


ဒီဇာတ္လမ္းေလးက တကယ့္အျဖစ္အပ်က္ပါတဲ့။ ဘယ္ဆီဘယ္တံုးကမွန္းမသိရတဲ့ ကာလတစ္ခုက ပဲလို႔ ထားပါေတာ့ဗ်ာ။ မယားေလးေယာက္ရွိတဲ့ ကုန္သည္တစ္ေယာက္အေၾကာင္းပါ။ ဒီဇာတ္လမ္းေလးကို သူေသခါနီးဆဲဆဲမွာ ေရးခဲ့တာေပါ့။ မယားေလးေယာက္နဲ႔လူရဲ႕ ဖြင့္ဟ
၀န္ခံခ်က္လို႔လဲ ဆိုခ်င္ဆိုႏိုင္ပါတယ္။

ဒီလိုပါ။
ေစာေစာက ေျပာတဲ့အတိုင္းပဲ သူ႔မွာ မယားေလးေယာက္ရွိပါတယ္။



အဲဒီေလးေယာက္ထဲမွာ
ေလးေယာက္ေျမာက္မယားကို သူက အခ်စ္ဆံုးပါတဲ့။ သူေလးအတြက္ဆိုရင္ ေကာင္းေပ့ ညြန္႔ေပ့ဆိုတဲ့ အ၀တ္အစားေတြ ဆင္တယ္။ သူေလးကို အႏူးညံ့ဆံုး အေပ်ာ့ေျပာင္းဆံုး ဆက္ဆံတယ္။ သူ႔မွာ ရွိသမွ် အေကာင္းဆံုးဆိုတဲ့ အရာေတြကို သူေလးအတြက္ ရည္ရြယ္ပါတယ္တဲ့။

တတိယမယားကိုက်ေတာ့လဲ သူသိပ္ခ်စ္တာပဲတဲ့။ ဒီမယားေလးကေတာ့ သူ႔အတြက္ ဂုဏ္ယူစရာတစ္ခုပါတဲ့။ သူေလးနဲ႔တြဲျပီး မိတ္ေဆြအေပါင္းအသင္းေတြၾကား ပြဲတက္ရတာ အေတာ္ေက်နပ္ဖို႔ေကာင္းဆိုပဲ။

ဒါေပမယ့္ သူေလး ဘယ္အခ်ိန္မွာမ်ား ဘယ္သူနဲ႔ လိုက္ေျပးသြား မလဲလို႔ သူ႔မွာ အျမဲစိတ္တထင့္ထင့္နဲ႔့ စိုးရိမ္ေနရပါတယ္တဲ့။

ဒုတိယဇနီးကိုလည္း သူက ခ်စ္တာပဲတဲ့။ အင္း..အခ်စ္ေတြ တယ္ေပါေနာ္။
သူေလးကေတာ့ သိပ္ကိုၾကင္နာတက္ျပီး အကူအညီအရမ္းရတဲ့ မိန္းမပါတဲ့။ အျမဲလည္း သည္းခံတက္တယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ သူေလးဟာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ တီးတိုးေဖာ္ တိုင္ပင္ဖက္ပါတဲ့။ ၾကမ္းတမ္းခက္ခဲမႈေတြ ႀကံဳလာရတဲ့အခါတိုင္း သူ႔ကိုကူညီျပီးေတာ့ အခက္အခဲေတြကို ရင္ဆိုင္ေျဖရွင္းေပးတက္သူပါတဲ့။

ပထမ မယားႀကီး။ သူကေတာ့ သိပ္ကို သစၥာရွိတဲ့ အေဖာ္ပါတဲ့။ သူ႔ရဲ႕ စည္းစိမ္ဥစၥာရွာေဖြမႈေတြ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြမွာ အမ်ားဆံုးကူညီအက်ဳိးျပဳခဲ့တဲ့ ဇနီးသည္တစ္ေယာက္ေပါ့။ တစ္အိမ္လံုးရဲ႕ ကိစၥ၀ိစၥ ေတြကိုလည္း သူပဲ စီမံခန္႔ခြဲတာတဲ့။ ဒါေပမယ့္ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ အဲဒီ ပထမမယားႀကီးကိုက်ေတာ့ သူက မခ်စ္ဘူးတဲ့ဗ်။ ဟိုကေတာ့ သူ႔ကို တကယ့္ကို ႏွစ္ႏွစ္ကာကာ ခ်စ္ရွာပါတယ္။ သူကေတာ့ တစ္ခါတစ္ေလမွာ ရွိတယ္လို႔ေတာင္
အမွတ္မထား ဂရုမစိုက္မိတက္ပါဘူးတဲ့။

တစ္ေန႔မွာေတာ့ ကုန္သည္ဟာ နာမက်န္းျဖစ္လာပါတယ္။
သိပ္မၾကာခင္အခ်ိန္အတြင္းမွာပဲ သူဟာ ေသရေတာ့မယ္ဆိုတာကို သေဘာေပါက္လာပါတယ္တဲ့။ စည္းစိမ္ဥစၥာေတြ ျပည့္စံုၾကြယ္၀တဲ့ သူ႔ဘ၀အေၾကာင္းကို စဥ္းစားမိလာပါတယ္။

အင္းေပါ့ မယားေလးေယာက္အေၾကာင္းလဲ ပါတာေပါ့။

သူက “အခုငါ့မွာ မယားေလးေယာက္ေတာင္ရွိေနတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္
ငါေသသြားရင္ တမလြန္မွာ ငါတစ္ေယာက္ထဲ ျဖစ္ေနေတာ့မွာပဲ။ အရမ္းကို အထီးက်န္မွာပဲ” လို႔ စဥ္းစားမိသတဲ့။

အဲဒါနဲ႔ပဲ သူ႔ရဲ႕အခ်စ္ဆံုး စတုတၳမယားေလးကိုေခၚျပီး ေျပာပါတယ္။ “မိန္းမေရ မင္းကို ကိုယ္အခ်စ္ဆံုးပါ။ မင္းအတြက္ဆို ေကာင္းေပ့ ညြန္႔ေပ့ဆိုတဲ့ အ၀တ္အစားေတြ ပံုေအာေပးခဲ့တယ္။ မင္းကိုလည္း အရမ္းကို ဂရုစိုက္ခဲ့တယ္။ အခုေတာ့ ကိုယ္ေသရေတာ့မယ္။ မင္း ကိုယ္နဲ႔လိုက္ျပီး အေဖၚလုပ္ ေပး ႏိုင္မလားကြယ္”
“ဟင့္အင္း လံုး၀မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါဘူး” သူေလးက ျပန္ေျပာပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ထပ္လည္း
စကားတစ္ခြန္းေတာင္ ထပ္မေျပာေတာ့ပဲ အနားကထြက္သြားပါသတဲ့။

ဒီအေျဖဟာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ႏွလံုးသားကို ဓါးထက္ထက္နဲ႔ မႊန္းလိုက္သလိုပါပဲတဲ့။
ကုန္သည္ဟာ သိပ္ကို ၀မ္းနည္းေၾကကြဲသြားျပီး တတိယ မယားကို ေခၚျပီး ေျပာျပန္ပါတယ္။
“မိန္းမေရ ကိုယ့္ဘ၀တစ္ေလွ်ာက္လံုးမွာ မင္းကို သိပ္ခ်စ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ ကိုယ္ေသရေတာ့မယ္။ မင္း ကိုယ္နဲ႔လိုက္ျပီး အေဖၚလုပ္ေပးႏိုင္မလားကြယ္” “ဟင့္အင္း မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါဘူးရွင္” တတိယမယားက ျပန္ေျပာပါတယ္။ “ဘ၀ဆိုတာ ရွင္သန္ေနရတာ သိပ္ကိုေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ဖို႔ေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ရွင္ေသသြားခဲ့ရင္
က်မကေတာ့ ေနာက္အိပ္ေထာင္ျပဳမွာပါ”
ကုန္သည္ရဲ႕ ႏွလံုးသားဟာ ကြဲအက္ေၾကမြသြားျပီး ေအးခဲသြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။

သူက တတိယ မယားကို ေခၚျပီးေမးျပန္ပါတယ္။ “မိန္းမေရ ကိုယ္ ကူအညီလိုတဲ့အခါတိုင္း မင္းဆီကို လာခဲ့တယ္ေနာ္။ မင္းကလဲ ကုိယ့္ကို အျမဲတမ္း ကူညီေပးခဲ့တယ္။ အခု ကိုယ္မင္းရဲ႕ အကူအညီကို လိုေနျပန္ျပီကြယ္။
ကိုယ္ေသသြားတဲ့အခါ မင္း ကိုယ္နဲ႔လိုက္ျပီး အေဖၚလုပ္ေပးႏိုင္မလားဟင္”
“မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါဘူးရွင္၊ ဒီတစ္ခါေတာ့ အစ္ကို႔ကို က်မ မကူညီႏိုင္ေတာ့ပါဘူး”


တတိယဇနီးသည္က ျပန္ေျဖပါတယ္။

“က်မအလြန္ဆံုးလုပ္ေပးႏိုင္တာကေတာ့ အစ္ကို႔ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ဆံုးခရီးကို လိုက္ပို႔ေပးႏိုင္တာ တစ္ခုပါပဲ”
ဒီအေျဖဟာ မိုးႀကိဳးသြားတစ္ခုလို သူ႔ရဲ႕ ႏွလံုးသားကို ေခ်မြဖ်က္ဆီးလိုက္ျပီး သူဟာ ၀မ္းနည္းပက္လက္နဲ႔
ယူႀကံဳးမရျဖစ္သြားပါတယ္တဲ့။

အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာပဲ အသံတစ္သံက ေျပာပါတယ္။ “က်မ ရွင္နဲ႔အတူ သြားပါ့မယ္။
ရွင္ဘယ္ကိုပဲ သြားသြား က်မအတူလိုက္ခဲ့ပါမယ္” ကုန္သည္က ေမာ့ၾကည့္လိုက္တဲ့အခါမွာေတာ့ အစာအဟာရ မျပည့္၀တဲ့လူတစ္ေယာက္လို ပိန္လွီျပီး အရိုးနဲ႔အေရပဲ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ပထမဇနီးသည္ကို
ေတြ႔လိုက္ရပါတယ္တဲ့။ အဲဒီေတာ့မွ ကုန္သည္ဟာ ၀မ္းနည္းေၾကကြဲစြာနဲ႔ ေျပာရွာပါတယ္။
“ကိုယ္ ဂရုစိုက္ႏိုင္တဲ့အခ်ိန္တံုးက မင္းကို အခုထက္အမ်ားႀကီး ပုိျပီး ဂရုစိုက္ခဲ့သင့္တာပါကြယ္”

အခုေတာ့ ကုန္သည္ဟာ ေသဆံုးသြားေလာက္ေရာေပါ့။ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ပထမဇနီးသည္လဲ သူနဲ႔အတူ
လုိက္သြားေလာက္ေရာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။

တကယ္ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔အားလံုးရဲ႕ ဘ၀မွာ မယားေလးေယာက္စီ ရွိပါသတဲ့

၁။ စတုတၳမယားဆိုတာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ ရုပ္ခႏၶာကိုယ္ပါတဲ့။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲ သူ႔ကို
ႀကိဳးစားပမ္းစား ရက္ရက္ေရာေရာ အလွဆင္ေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ေသဆံုးသြားတဲ့အခါ
က်ေနာ္တို႔ကို စြန္႔ခြာသြားမွာပါပဲတဲ့။

၂။ တတိယမယားဆိုတာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ ပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈေတြ ရာထူးဂုဏ္သိမ္
စည္းစိမ္ဥစၥာေတြပါတဲ့။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေသဆံုးသြားတဲ့အခါ တျခားသူေတြဆီကို
ေရာက္သြားမယ့္ အရာေတြပါတဲ့။

၃။ ဒုတိယ မယားဆိုတာကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ မိသားစုေတြနဲ႔ မိတ္ေဆြ သဂၤဟေတြပါတဲ့။
ရွင္သန္ေနထိုင္စဥ္အတြင္းမွာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲ ရင္းႏွီးခ်စ္ကၽြမ္း၀င္မႈေတြရွိၾကေပမယ့္ သူတို႔တစ္ေတြ အလြန္ဆံုး
အတူရွိေနႏိုင္တဲ့အခ်ိန္ဟာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ဆံုးခရီးကို လိုက္ပါပို႔ေဆာင္ခ်ိန္ အထိပါပဲတဲ့။

၄။ ပထမ မယားႀကီးဆိုတာကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ စိတ္၀ိညာဥ္ပါတဲ့။ ရုပ္၀တၳဳေတြ
စည္းစိမ္ခ်မ္းသာေတြနဲ႔ ကာမဂုဏ္အာရံုေတြေနာက္ကို ေကာက္ေကာက္ပါေအာင္
လိုက္ရင္း အျမဲလိုလို ေမ့ေလွ်ာ့ ဥေပကၡာျပဳထားျခင္းခံေနရတဲ့ အရာပါတဲ့။

စဥ္းစားၾကည့္လိုက္ပါ။ တကယ္ေတာ့
စိတ္၀ိညာဥ္ကသာ က်ေနာ္တို႔
ဘယ္သြားသြား အျမဲအတူလိုက္ေနမယ့္ အရာပါ။

အိပ္ယာေပၚမွာ ေသငယ္ေဇာနဲ႔ ေမ်ာေန မယ့္ အခ်ိန္အထိမေစာင့္ပဲနဲ႔ အခု ကတည္းက သူ႔ကို
က်န္းမာသန္စြမ္းလာေအာင္
ေလ့က်င့္ပ်ဳိးေထာင္ထားဖို႔ဆိုတာ
အၾကံေကာင္းဥာဏ္ေကာင္းတစ္ခု မဟုတ္လားဗ်ာ။



(အင္တာနက္မွာ ေတြ႔ရတဲ့ စာေလးတစ္ပုဒ္ကို ဆီေလွ်ာ္ေအာင္ ဘာသာျပန္ထားတာပါ။)

ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ခ်မ္းေျမ့ၾကပါေစ။



ငယ္ေလး

7/13/2009

အိုဘား မား၏ဆိုစကားမ်ား မွသည္ ၂

အိုဘားမား သည္ ဇြန္လ (၄)ရက္ေန႔က အီဂ်စ္ႏိုင္ငံ၊ ကိုင္ရို တကၠသိုလ္ တြင္ မိန္႔ခြန္းေျပာၾကားခဲ့ရာ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ အေျမာက္ အမ်ားက စိတ္၀င္တစား နားေထာင္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ၎၏ တစ္နာရီၾကာ မိန္႔ခြန္းအတြင္း မြတ္ဆလင္မ္ ကိုရန္က်မ္းမွ အခ်က္အလက္ မ်ားကို ထုတ္ႏႈတ္ၿပီး ေျပာၾကားသြားသည္။
အိုဘားမား၏ မိန္႔ခြန္းကို မြတ္ဆလင္မ္ အေျမာက္အျမားက ႀကိဳဆိုခဲ့ၾကသည္။
အိုဘားမား သည္ မြတ္ဆလင္မ္တို႔၏ ယံုၾကည္ ရပ္တည္ မႈႏွင့္ ဓေလ့ထံုးစံမ်ားကို အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံက ေလးစား တန္ဖိုးထားရန္ လိုအပ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။
အေမရိ ကန္ႏွင့္ မြတ္ဆလင္မ္ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းၾကား ပုိမိုေကာင္းမြန္ေသာ နားလည္မႈတစ္ခု တည္ေထာင္ ႏိုင္ရန္ ေရာင္ျပန္ ဟပ္ေစမည့္သံခင္းတမံခင္းစကားမ်ားသည္ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ ေရွ႕ဆက္ခ်မွတ္မည့္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး မူ၀ါဒကို ခ်ျပခဲ့ျခင္းလည္းျဖစ္သည္။
ယခုဆက္လက္ၿပီး အေမရိကန္ ရုရွား ထိပ္သီးအစည္းအ ေ၀း၊ စက္မႈထိပ္သီး ၈ ႏုိင္ငံ၊ G-8ညီလာခံ၊ ဂါနာႏုိင္ငံ စတဲ့ ဥေရာပ အာဖရိက ရက္သတၱပတ္ ၁ ပတ္ ၾကာ ခရီးထြက္စဥ္အတြင္း စေနေန႔က ဂါနာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ သမၼတ အုိဘားမား ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့တဲ့ မိန္႔ခြန္းထဲမွာ အာဖရိကတုိက္မွာ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ ဆင္းရဲတြင္းနက္မႈ၊ အက်င့္ပ်က္ လာဘ္စားမႈေတြနဲ႔ စစ္ပြဲေတြကို ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္ဖုိ႔ လုပ္ရာမွာ အာဖရိက တုိက္သားေတြက ပိုမုိ တာ၀န္ယူေဆာင္ရြက္ ၾကဖုိ႔ လုိတယ္လုိ႔ တုိက္တြန္းေျပာၾကားသြားပါတယ္။ အာဖရိကတုိက္ရဲ႕ ေနရာအႏွ႔ံအျပားမွာ အစုိးရေတြရဲ႕ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး ေကာင္းမြန္မႈေတြ ပ်က္ျပားေနတယ္လုိ႔ သမၼတ အုိဘားမားက ဆုိပါတယ္။ အာဖရိကတုိက္မွာ လက္ေဇာင္းထက္တဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူေတြ မလုိအပ္ဘူး။ ခုိင္မာေတာင့္တင္းတဲ့ နယ္ပယ္စံု၊ အေျခခံ အေဆာက္အဦေတြ၊ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြသာ လုိအပ္တယ္လုိ႔ ဂါနာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ သမၼတ အုိးဘားမား က ေျပာၾကားသြားပါတယ္။
ေကာင္းမြန္မွန္ကန္တဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈကို လက္ကိုင္ထားတဲ့ အစိုးရကသာလွ်င္ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ေရး ကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ပါလိမ့္မယ္လို႕ ဖြင့္ဆိုႏိုင္တဲ့စကားမ်ိဳးကုိေျပာဆိုသြားတာဟာ ယေန႕ျမန္မာျပည္အေျခအေနနဲ႕လည္းတိုက္ဆိုင္မႈရွိေနပါတယ္။ ဒီအတြက္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမယ္ဆိုတာ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးမူ၀ါဒကို လွစ္ဟေျပာဆိုသြားတာမို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕ ဗမာ့ႏိုင္ငံ ေရးနဲ႕ပတ္သက္ရွက္ႏြယ္သူမ်ား အေလးထားရမဲ့အခ်က္လို႕ယူဆတဲ့အတြက္ “အိုဘား မား၏ဆိုစကားမွသည္ ၂” ပို႕စ္ ကိုဆက္တင္ေပးလိုက္ပါသည္။


Obama promised that Afirca would no longer be sidelined from world affairs [AFP]

မူရင္းအတိုင္းနားဆင္ၾကည့္ရႈရန္ ဒီမွာ“ကလစ္ပါ”

Full text: Obama's Ghana speech
Good morning. It is an honour for me to be in Accra, and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana.
I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle, Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States.
I am speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia, for a Summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy, for a meeting of the world's leading economies. And I have come here, to Ghana, for a simple reason: the 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra as well.
This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's. Your health and security can contribute to the world's. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.
So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world — as partners with America on behalf of the future that we want for all our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility, and that is what I want to speak with you about today.
We must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans.
I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.
My grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade — it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.
My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at an extraordinary moment of promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways. History was on the move.
'Cynicism and despair'
But despite the progress that has been made — and there has been considerable progress in parts of Africa — we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya, which had a per capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born, have been badly outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent. In many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism, even despair.
It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, and the West has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is a daily fact of life for far too many.
Of course, we also know that is not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or the need for charity.
The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of growth.
This progress may lack the drama of the 20th century's liberation struggles, but make no mistake: it will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of another nation, it is even more important to build one's own.
So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana — and for Africa — as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of promise. Only this time, we have learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa's future.
Instead, it will be you — the men and women in Ghana's Parliament, and the people you represent. Above all, it will be the young people — brimming with talent and energy and hope — who can claim the future that so many in my father's generation never found.
To realize that promise, we must first recognise a fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That is the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.
'Transformational change'
As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I have pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa's interest and America's. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of aid that helps people scrape by — it is whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change.
This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I will focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy; opportunity; health; and the peaceful resolution of conflict.
First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments.
As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: governments that respect the will of their own people are more prosperous, more stable and more successful than governments that do not.
This is about more than holding elections — it's also about what happens between them. Repression takes many forms, and too many nations are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves, or police can be bought off by drug traffickers. No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top, or the head of the port authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end.
In the 21st century, capable, reliable and transparent institutions are the key to success — strong parliaments and honest police forces; independent judges and journalists; a vibrant private sector and civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in peoples' lives.
Time and again, Ghanaians have chosen Constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously, and victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage and participating in the political process.
Across Africa, we have seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three quarters of the country voted in the recent election — the fourth since the end of apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's vote is their sacred right.
Make no mistake: history is on the side of these brave Africans and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.
America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation — the essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny.
What we will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance — on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting, automating services, strengthening hot lines and protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.
As we provide this support, I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights report.
People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do.
Supporting development
This leads directly to our second area of partnership — supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.
With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base for prosperity. The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities.
But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities — or on a single export — concentrates wealth in the hands of the few and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.
In Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and infrastructure; when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled work force and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.
As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we will put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves.
That is why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers — not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it is no longer needed.
America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; and financial services that reach poor and rural areas.
This is also in our own interest — for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, new markets will open for our own goods.
One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and conflict.
All of us — particularly the developed world — have a responsibility to slow these trends — through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.
Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity and help countries increase access to power while skipping the dirtier phase of development. Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and bio-fuels.

'Dignity of work'
From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coast to South Africa's crops — Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.
These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to the market; or an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the dignity of work. Its about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.
Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it is also critical to the third area that I will talk about — strengthening public health.
In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.
Yet because of incentives — often provided by donor nations — many African doctors and nurses understandably go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease.
This creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.
Across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria.
Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care — for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.
America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy. Because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience and our common interest.
When a child dies of a preventable illness in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.
That is why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges. Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS.
We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and eradicating polio. We will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in isolation — we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children.
Healthier future
As we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings — and so the final area that I will address is conflict.
Now let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war. But for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources.
And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.
These conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. We all have many identities — of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. Africa's diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division.
We are all God's children. We all share common aspirations — to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families, our communities, and our faith. That is our common humanity.
That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars.
It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systematic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. All of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.
Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, Ghana is helping to point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon, and in your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade.
We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational force to bear when needed.
America has a responsibility to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there is genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems — they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.
Common challenges
That is why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy, technical assistance, and logistical support, and will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa and the world.
In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. That must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered.
But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict, and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.
As I said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. In my country, African-Americans — including so many recent immigrants — have thrived in every sector of society. We have done so despite a difficult past, and we have drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos; in Kigali and Kinshasa; in Harare and right here in Accra.
Fifty-two years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."
Now, that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. And I am particularly speaking to the young people. In places like Ghana, you make up over half of the population. Here is what you must know: the world will be what you make of it.
You have the power to hold your leaders accountable and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, end conflicts and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can. Because in this moment, history is on the move.
But these things can only be done if you take responsibility for your future. It won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you. As a partner. As a friend. Opportunity won't come from any other place, though — it must come from the decisions that you make, the things that you do, and the hope that you hold in your hearts.
Freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say that this was the time when the promise was realized — this was the moment when prosperity was forged; pain was overcome; and a new era of progress began.This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Thank you.

7/05/2009

အလိုေလး...ရက္စက္ပါေပ့ ေမာင္ဖ်ာ့

မစၥတာခေရတာ၏ ဗန္ကီေရႊ ႏွစ္ပါးသြား




ကမၻာမေၾက ျပန္လည္ေနရာခ်ထားသည္။
၀၃။၀၇။၂၀၀၉

တီးမယ္

PALI ZI. CHAU’ CHE’ PALI OU: GYI PALI ZI. NJAN: HSIN

PALI ZI. CHAU’ CHE’  PALI OU: GYI  PALI ZI. NJAN: HSIN
[Stuff and nonsense – lies] [Wheeler, one who deceives in an endearing way] [Using deceits as scaffolding]

Maung Thar Kyaw

The Statement, dated October 30th, and with the Place mentioned as: Sane Lai Kan Thar, the name of the State Guest House: ‘from 13:00 to 13:55 Daw Aung San Su Kyi [ASSK] came to see Union Minister U Aung Kyi, as she was invited by the Government of the Republic of Myanmar’ was issued.

At the Meeting the discussion dwelled on the situation where ‘the State is providing necessary assistances [meaning Constitution Amendments, for example, I guess]; and, in order to have economic development views on the importance of freedom of trade, and free circulation of currencies were also discussed’. And also, ‘the progress of the State’s undertakings to obtain perpetual peace initiatives with ethnic armed groups and the people that should be included in the amnesty were discussed’. Meetings in the future shall convene is agreed.

Details of the entire Meeting were not disclosed, as usual. This is the fourth time such Meeting had taken place.

After the Third Meeting between the two factions the Statement mentioned that the President was considering Amnesty, to join hands in controlling the flow of the Irrawaddy River, to bring in into legal folds of the people who are undergoing armed rebellion; and peace and rule of law were discussed.

After meeting with Aung Kyi twice ASSK met the President Thein Sein in August in Naypyidor. Soon afterward, over 200 so-called political prisoners were released under Amnesty Order. So-called political prisoner because the Governing clique consistently mentioned there is no political prisoners in Myanmar though there are plenty. There is some truth in the government’s claim that there is no political prisoner because no one was arrested under political issues but rather on criminal charges - for example: currency law, or disturbing public tranquility, etc.

ASSK met with Aung Kyi nine times under the previous military government but there was no substantive result whatsoever came out.

The Government came into existence on January 31, 2011 under the caption of the Government of the Republic of Myanmar with its President elected by the Union Parliament, a former military officer General Thein Sein. Many opinionated this General is a Dove – a soft liner, and his Deputy President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo [Shit Loane], another ex-General is a Hawk – a hard liner; all baloney; they all are one liner, i.e. for the prosperity and welfare of the Armed Forces, meaning the top and upper echelon of the Army, under the guise of democracy.

New Guise needs, of course, new format and that new format is what the new government is formatting or formatted by the military junta before the State Power was transferred and implementing it as planned. Whether former SG Than Shwe is pulling the string from behind or is he still involved in day to day affairs are all irrelevant, though his State managed private office near Oatparta Thati Pagoda in Naypyidor is hooked with Online TV honing in onto the proceedings of the Union Parliament. He knows or he is privy to know who is behaving or misbehaving in the Union Parliament but whether he is watching the TV is something yet to be known or playing his favorite games.

The Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature were formed and on March 30th the State Power was transferred; the military junta SPDC was dissolved. The Ministry of Interior had given warnings to NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and Secretary ASSK in the last week of June to stop all its political activities as NLD is no political party according to the Party Registration Law of the Union Election Commission. The Ministry warning emphatically mentioned that NLD’s actions were intentionally motivated against the Law.

On top of that Union Election Commission had warned with a letter dated April 5th to all 37 Registered Political Parties not to communicate with illegal political entities. Presumably, political circles as well as diplomatic community considered the warning was directed towards NDL.

Though the new government’s changing color is visible it is still noticeably unruly. The disregards of public opinions as well as international barrages remain as the hallmark of the Thein Sein’s Administration.

Disregarding its own Ministry’s Order Thein Sein allowed Minister Aung Kyi to parley with ASSK and even invited her to Naypyidor and received her exclusively where all political leaders from the Registered Political Parties are treated shabbily at the same occasion.

The Constitution was amended proposed by the Union Election Commission regarding the Membership where criminals cannot be party members or a political entity cannot register if its members are serving criminals. That phrase has now been erased for the sake of NLD. That amendment had made eased NLD to avoid the issue of abandoning its own jailed members when and if they apply for Party Registration.

The antagonistic political ogres of Burma are, on the visual body politics, in cordial relationship. One is, up to recent past, enjoyed full support of China and now trying its best to veer off to get into the western orbit. The other ogre has, from the very beginning to present, receives consistent and absolute no-matter-what support from the western camp. It has four Radio stations providing overwhelming support in high volume of propaganda just for one person, viz. Radio Free Asia and Voice of America [two US outfits], BBC [British outfit], and Democratic Voice of Burma [EU outfit] beaming into Burma where people are socket in with one line to support, day in and day out, every day. This ogre is the western group’s horse of Burma and Thein Sein Administration wants to ride along with that horse to the winning post. Is consistent propping up necessitate a leader to become an icon? Yes, it is, at least in Burma, it has been proven!

Within a couple of days NLD will decide whether to register and the outcome is quite predictable: ‘if ASSK is promised to contest in the upcoming By-election then NLD will allow to Register by ASSK regardless of party or public opinion’. Does it mean: ‘if she is not allowed to contest in the upcoming By-election’ then NLD will not be permitted to register by ASSK? Quite likely so, as all the past behaviors indicated that: ‘person is superior to policy’, and the ‘party is dispensable’.

So far, there is no knowledge that the outcome of the Aung Kyi-Su Kyi Meeting had agreed whether ASSK will be allowed to contest in the election. If that is the case the amendment of the constitution will be a major issue. At the end of the day, one faction will sure to swallow the other like python. No on

e knows, which one will come out as the python and which one is Mai Dwe Lay.

Maung Thar Kyaw

Taiwan, November 3, 2011.



OUR COUNTRY -----

Burmese society is unique. With extended family system Burmese are laid back, or rather happy go lucky.
Sayar-Dagar relationship, or, the bond between the Sanghas and laymen is deep rooted and has been part of the culture from the time immemorial.

Elderly people spend time at pagodas or the monasteries sharing merits or family gossip, or whatever, and, that is how, unlike the Western society, members of the Burmese society do not need much of psychiatrists’ assistance.

Quiet time, alone, communicating with the Lord Buddha is part and parcel of our heritage we all enjoy tremendously. Visiting pagodas had never needed permission from the authorities.

see all

http://uk.geocities.com/kabarmakyay/Our_Country.pdf

Are these happening in Burma!

As long as one enriches him/her-self in the decadences the sky is the limit, as the junta would not bother them, that’s the saying goes in present context of Burma.
Thinzar Win, a Model, could do pretty well on Catwalk and other walks such as Burmanization of Bikini, for example. Just kicked off the blouse and the jeans and leave only bra and the underwear, that becomes Bikini, as simple as that. Look!



Here she is, Thinzar Win, on the right.

Could you still think you are looking at Burmese girls who are posting for this photo in Rangoon? If you think the junta is to be blamed for all decadent aspects, then, your thinking may be inconclusive.

Shwedarling.com, a website for dating and mating prevails in today’s Burma. In 1988 no one could dream that Burma would be at this stage today but it has advanced so fast and so vast.

Infested with nouveau riche in the ngathalau’ economy decadences are abound; instead of tea break at usual hour at or around 4:00 PM now the nouveau riche have new past time at 3:30 PM or so – “Time to squeeze Pau’ Si” at Karaoke bars that are mushrooming through out Burma!

Junta’s policies may have pushed urbanites to that corner but it is just a plain excuse. Getting along by going along is a sin, by all means.

Here is another exhibit to think of!

Moe Hay Ko, another Model, good at Catwalk as well as other walks – bed walk [?] smooching somewhere in the quiet corner!

These girls really have come out of Burmese cocoon – hi ri. u’ ta’ pa. [Shame and fear of sinning] for sure.

Mind you dear reader – the decaying culture of the people is unfathomable, especially the urbanites, the sponsors of such decadences, and, contemplate what reforms would be needed for our beloved country. Mind you, the tiger would never change into vegetarian out of pity for animals!

Salamani Kantchalar!

Burma was under absolute monarchy from 1044 AD until 1885 AD and was under different dynasties. The Monarchs yearned to possess White Elephant; i.e. to claim as the Owner of the White Elephant or Sin Phyu Shin, or, if they have more than one White Elephant, then, Sin Phyu Myarr Shin!

One White Elephant-crazy king even commanded to retrieve a dead elephant floated down the river that had resemblances of White Elephant and kept in his palace and claimed he was the Sin Phuy Shin.

White Elephant is considered to represent the power and glory of the Owner and the White Elephant would appear, according to the myth, only if the Ruler of the country has strong Power and Glory.

Burma has dictators since 1962: viz. Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe; and, all of them seem to believe that they were the royalty somehow or other. The last dynasty, Koane Baung, ended with His Majesty King Thibaw. The prophecy had it that there would be 13 Koane Baung kings to reign Burma. Thibaw was the 11th and two more kings are yet to reign. Ne Win presumed he was the 12th Koane Baung King! Saw Maung seemed to have believed that he was the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and, Than Shwe believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun.

During Thar Lun Than Shwe’s reign, a White Elephant was sited in the jungle of Rakhine State. With pomp and pageantry the White Elephant was brought to Rangoon, the then Nay Pyi Daw and kept in the highly decorated pavilion that befits only to the royalty with special elephant guards, etc., so on and so forth. All the necessary arrangements were carried out by MI and its Chief Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty, though he never got to the top most spot of the junta’s ivory tower. The propaganda mill was fanning at high speed that the current rulers of Burma have highly auspicious power and glory so much so that the White Elephant was presented by the Nats [Resplendent being worthy of veneration].

Within a few months after the White Elephant had settled in at the newly built pavilion a Bangladeshi, or, to be more exact, a Chittagonian, or better known in Burma as Khortaw Kalar showed up at the Bangladeshi Embassy in Rangoon, claiming that the elephant at the Pavilion was his elephant that was herded away by the Burmese while grazing in the jungle and requested the Bangladeshi Ambassador to reclaim the elephant from the Burmese junta on his behalf. To cut the story short the Ambassador along with the Officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and MI officers went to the Pavilion with the Khortaw Kalar and demanded to prove his claim.

There, Khortaw Kalar stepped out and bellowed: Salamani Kantchalar!

At the very instant the ‘Command’ was heard the White Elephant lifted up his trunk and trumpeted a very loud noise. The ‘Command’ was given for the second time and the White Elephant responded in the same manner again. Then, Khortaw Kalar commanded in more Khortaw words: the White Elephant was under complete spell of commands – sitting, kneeling, etc. Now, the claim was proven to be true and the negotiation was but started. MI ended up paying US $ 100,000.00 from the State coffer as demanded by the Khortaw Kalar for the White Elephant that was supposed to have been presented by the Nats due to the power and glory of the rulers of Burma.

Khortaw did not stop then and there. He added there are four more such elephants in his possession and they were up for sale if the price is right. MI arranged a delegation to accompany the Khortaw to his native village in the no-man’s land between Bangladesh and Burma to inspect the so called White Elephants. There, the delegation found two more White Elephants out of the four and agreed to pay US$ 200,000 a piece.

Burmese delegation could not just take the two elephants away they bought; they need the Khortaw to release the two in the Rakhine jungle for them to herd them back to Burma later as though it was naturally sited. Thus, the usurper royalties of Burma got three White Elephants at a price of US $ 500,000.

Some one got excited regarding the Salamani Kantchalar and traced back how it came into existence! In the anal of Burma there was a time when a Shan Prince by the name of Sao Han Pha, better known as Tho Han Bwa reigned Burma. He was a tyrant by all means; conceited and insolent, and very much anti-Buddhist religion. During his rein many Monks were tortured, killed and extradited to far away places and forced them from learning Buddhist scripture. Tho Han Bwa was the Daman daye [impediment endangering the teachings of Buddha] of his time. Under Tho Han Bwa, some aspects of Buddhist incantations had changed; for example: Buddhan Tharanan Gitsarmi, Dhaman Tharanan Gitsarmi but Sanghan Tharanan was turned into Gunsarmi, and Buddhan Puzaymi, Dhaman Puzaymi, and Sangan had turned into Pu-Jail-mi, just like recent events under Daman daye Thar Lun Than Shwe.

Many Burmese fled to far away places, including Burma-Bangladesh border to fight back Tho Han Bwa and/or other tyrants. There, they deployed Khortaws to attend their elephants. Khortaws were taught to learn ‘Commands’ in Burmese but it was very difficult for the Khortaws to learn the necessary commands for the elephants. By virtue of wits a Burmese gave a ‘battle command or a battle cry’ for the elephants: “Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee”, in rhyme with the actual command. That, Khortaw could learn with not much difficulty. As the time woes on the command Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee had resonance into Salamani Kantchalar!

Ne Win who presumed to be the 12th Koane Baung, Saw Maung who presumed to be the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and the cagey sly fox Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty had all but ended badly. Now we have to see how Than Shwe who believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun ended? Is it to believe that those who sit on such chairs excrete such excreta?

As a matter of fact, the real Owner of the White Elephants or the Sin Phyu Myarr Shin actually was the Khortaw Kalar of Bangladesh!

By the way,
All the Usurpers,
Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe are mere “Suu Yauts”!


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