3/30/2012

• ႏိုင္ငံျခား ေငြလဲႏႈန္း ဧၿပီ ၁ က စၿပီး ေပါက္ေစ်းရွင္ သတ္မွတ္မယ္

ျမန္မာျပည္ ေစ်းကြက္တြင္ ႏႈန္းထားအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာ ေငြလဲႏႈန္းမ်ားကို တမ်ဳိးတည္း ေပါင္းစည္းႏိုင္ေရး (unification of exchange rate)အား လာမည့္ ၂၀၁၂ ခုနႇစ္ ဧျပီလ ၁ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စတင္ေတာ့မည္ျဖစ္ျပီး သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ဘဏ္အသီးသီးသုိ႔ အေၾကာင္းၾကားထားျပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရႇိရသည္။
ယင္းကဲ့သို႕တရား၀င္ေငြလဲႏႈန္း ေျပာင္းလဲသတ္မႇတ္မႈေၾကာင့္ ယင္းစနစ္အေကာင္အထည္ေပၚလာပါက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္လာေသာ ျပည္ပရင္ႏႇီးျမဳပ္ႏႇံမႈမ်ား အတြက္လည္း ေစ်းကြက္ေပါက္ ေစ်းျဖင့္ လဲလႇယ္သတ္မႇတ္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရႇိရသည္။
ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြ လဲလွယ္ေရာင္းဝယ္ခြင့္ လိုင္စင္ရရွိမည္ဟု ယူဆရသည့္ အင္းဝဘဏ္၊ျမဝတီဘဏ္၊ ျမန္မာ့ေမြးျမဴေရးႏွင့္ ေရလုပ္ငန္းဘဏ္၊ ျမန္မာ့ စက္မႈ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရး ဘဏ္၊ ျမန္မာအေရွ႕တိုင္းဘဏ္ႏွင့္ ကေမၻာဇ ဘဏ္ ဘဏ္ေျခာက္ခုမွ အႀကီးတန္း ဝန္ထမ္းမ်ားကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ဗဟိုဘဏ္က သင္တန္းေပးခဲ့သည္ဟုလည္းသိရသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ေငြလဲႏႈန္း အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ေနခဲ့သည္မႇာ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္း ၄၀ ေက်ာ္ ၾကာျမင့္ခဲ့ၿပီ ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ေျပာင္းလဲရန္ နည္းပညာ ရပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာနႇင့္ အက်ဳိးဆက္မ်ားကို ထိန္းသိမ္းႏိုင္မည့္ mechanism တစ္ခု လိုအပ္ ေနေၾကာင္း သံုးသပ္မႈမ်ားလည္း ရႇိသည္။ ''ဒီေငြလဲႏႈန္း တစ္မ်ဳိးတည္း ေပါင္းစည္းေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ကိုယ့္တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕အေျခအေနဟာ ေနာက္က်က်န္ခဲ့တာမ်ဳိးရႇိသလို လက္ရႇိမႇာ ေအာင္ျမင္ေအာင္လုပ္ဖို႔ လုိအပ္ေနတာလည္း အမႇန္ပဲ။ တာ၀န္ရႇိသူ၀န္ထမ္းေတြရဲ႕ capacity ပိုင္းအဆံုးအမ်ားႀကီး အေရးႀကီးတယ္။ ကြၽမ္းက်င္၀န္ထမ္းေတြ အျပင္ ထင္သာျမင္သာရႇိမႈေတြကိုလည္း အရင္ဆံုး ျပဳစုပ်ဳိးေထာင္ထားဖုိ႔လိုတယ္''ဟု ကေမၻာဇဘဏ္ ဒုတိယဥကၠ႒ ဦးသန္းလြင္က ေျပာသည္။
အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေငြႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ဥပေဒမ်ားကို တိတိက်က် ျပ႒ာန္းကာ ႏိုင္ႏိုင္နင္းနင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္ရန္ လိုအပ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ယင္းကဲ့သို႔ မျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္ပါက ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြ ေမွာင္ခိုေစ်းကြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း က်ယ္ျပန္႔ေနဦး မည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း“အရင္ကတည္းက ဘယ္သူမွေတာ့ ေမွာင္ခိုမွာ သြားၿပီးေရာင္းခ်င္ ဝယ္ခ်င္ ၾကတာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ေငြလဲႏႈန္း ဥပေဒ ႏိုင္ႏိုင္နင္းနင္း လုပ္ႏိုင္မွ ေမွာင္ခိုေစ်းကြက္ေတြက ေပ်ာက္ႏိုင္မွာေပါ့” ဦးခင္ေမာင္ညိဳ (ေဘာဂေဗဒ) က ေျပာသည္။
 လက္ရွိျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ တရားဝင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြမ်ား လဲလွယ္ႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ျမန္မာ့ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏံွမႈႏွင့္ ကုန္သြယ္မႈဘဏ္ MICB ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံျခား ကုန္သြယ္မႈဘဏ္ MFTB တို႔ကသာ ဝန္ေဆာင္မႈ လုပ္ကိုင္ေပးေနသည္။ႏိုင္ငံျခားသံုးေငြ စည္းမ်ဥ္း ဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၅ အရ ျမန္မာအတြင္းေနထိုင္သူ မည္သူမဆို ႏိုင္ငံျခား သံုးေငြ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမႉး၏ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္ျဖင့္သာ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ရွိၿပီး၊ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသံုးေငြ စီမံခန္႔ခြဲ႔မႈဌာနတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ လိုင္စင္ Foreign Exchange Acceptor & Holder License ကို ေလ်ာက္ထားၿပီးမွ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ ေနၾကရသည္။
 
ၾသဂုတ္လ ၃ဝ ရက္ေန႔က အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဒုတိယ ပံုမွန္အစည္းအေဝးတြင္ စစ္ကိုင္းတိုင္းေဒသၾကီး မဲဆႏၵနယ္ အမွတ္ ၉ မွ ဦးသိန္းဝင္း တင္သြင္းထားသည့္ “ဘ႑ာေရးႏွင့္ အခြန္ဝန္ၾကီးဌာနမွ စီမံခန္႔ခြဲေသာ ဥပေဒမ်ားမွ ပယ္ဖ်က္၊ ျပင္ဆင္၊ ျဖည့္စြက္သင့္ေသာ ဥပေဒမ်ားကို ပယ္ဖ်က္၊ ျပင္ဆင္၊ ျဖည့္စြက္ရန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုအစုိးရအား တိုက္တြန္းေၾကာင္း” အဆိုကို ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း မဲဆႏၵနယ္ အမွတ္ ၂ မွ ဦးၫြန္႔တင္က ေဆြးေႏြးသည္။

ယင္းအဆိုကို ဘ႑ာေရးႏွင့္အခြန္ဝန္ၾကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စု ဝန္ၾကီး ဦးလွထြန္း က လက္ရွိေခတ္ကာလ အေျခအေနႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီေအာင္ ျပင္ဆင္ျဖည့္စြက္လ်က္ရွိၿပီး ျပ႒ာန္းႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းကို က်င္းပလ်က္ရွိသည့္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုလႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ တင္သြင္းထားၿပီးျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း The Foreign Exchange Regulation Act ၊ The Pension Act၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ဗဟိုဘဏ္ ဥပေဒ၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ေငြေရးေၾကးေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္းဥပေဒ တို႔အား ေခတ္စနစ္ႏွင့္ အညီ လိုအပ္သည္မ်ားကို ျပင္ဆင္ ျဖည့္စြက္ရန္ အတြက္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုေရွ႕ေန႐ုံးခ်ဳပ္ႏွင့္ ၫႇိႏႈိင္းထားၿပီးျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း ျပန္လည္ေျဖၾကားခဲ့သည္။


3/24/2012

ျမန္မာမွာ အေျပာင္းအလဲျဖစ္ေနၿပီ



အစိုးရတြင္းက ထိပ္တန္းအရာရွိတစ္ဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ရဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆိုင္ရာအၾကံေပးပုဂိၢဳလ္ ဦးကိုကိုလွဳိင္က ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ အရင္က အတိုက္အခံေတြအေပၚ ရက္စက္စြာႏွိမ္နင္းတာေတြ၊ အတင္းအၾကပ္ေစခိုင္းမူေတြ၊ေထာင္ခ်တာေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ဝန္ခံခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ခုအခါမွာ ေျပာင္းလဲမူေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္ၿပီလို႔လဲ ေျပာလိုက္ပါတယ္။
အရင္အစိုးရအတြက္ တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးနဲ႔ လုံျခဳံေရးဟာ ပထမဦးစားေပးရမယ့္အရာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ခုအစိုးရကေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီနည္းက်က် ေရြးေကာက္ခံရတဲ့ အစိုးရျဖစ္ေနတဲ့အတြက္ အရင္အစိုးရနဲ႔ ခုအစိုးရကို ခြဲျခားသိသင့္တယ္လို႔ သမၼတရဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအၾကံေပးအဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးကိုကိုလွဳိင္က ေအဘီစီသတင္းေထာက္ Zoe Daniel ကို ေျပာသြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဦးကိုကိုလွဳိင္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆုံေမးျမန္းခန္းမွာ ျငင္းဆန္မူေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ၾကဳံရလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ေမ်ာ္လင့္ခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ဦးကိုကိုလွဳိင္က သိပ္ကိုပြင့္လင္းသူျဖစ္ေနတာကို တအံ့တၾသ ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရတယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ဝင္ခြင့္ရခဲ့တဲ့ Zoe Daniel ကေျပာပါတယ္။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ ေျပာင္းလဲမူကို လိုလားတယ္ဆိုတာ တကယ္ပဲလားလို႔ေတာင္ စဥ္းစားမိတယ္လို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ေျပာင္းလဲမူေတြ တကယ္ဟုတ္မဟုတ္ဆိုတာ ေသခ်ာသိႏိူင္ဖို႔အတြက္ ေနာက္တေခါက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ျပန္လာရအုံးမယ္လို႔လဲ ဆိုပါတယ္။


Zoe Daniel နဲ႔အဖြဲ႔သားဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခရီးစဥ္အတြက္ ေထြေထြထူးထူးမျပင္ဆင္ပဲ ျမင္ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရတာေတြကို မွတ္တမ္းတင္ထားၿပီး လမ္းေပၚမွာ ျမင္ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရတဲ့လူေတြရဲ့ အေၾကာင္းကို ျပန္လည္ေျပာျပတဲ့ မွတ္တမ္းဗီဒီယိုကိုလည္း ရိုက္ကူးခဲ့ၿပီး အဂၤါေန႔တုန္းက ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ျပသခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီမွတ္တမ္းဗီဒီယိုထဲမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကေန႔စဥ္ျမင္ေတြ႔ေနရတဲ့ဘဝအေၾကာင္းေတြ ထင္ဟပ္ေပၚလြင့္ေအာင္ ရိုက္ကူးထားပါတယ္။
ေအဘီစီသတင္းေထာက္ Zoe Daniel အပါအဝင္ ဘန္ေကာက္အေျခစိုက္ ကင္မရာသမား David Leland နဲ႔ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံကထုတ္လုပ္ေရးမွဴး Supattra Vimonsuknopparat တို႔ကို ျမန္မာအစိုးရက မေမ်ာ္လင့္ပဲ ျပည္ဝင္ခြင့္ဗီဇာေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ သတင္းပတ္ ႏွစ္ပတ္ေနခြင့္ရခဲ့ၿပီး လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ရိုက္ကူးခြင့္၊ သြားလာခြင့္ေတြရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အစိုးရကို ကုိယ္စားျပဳသူေတြက ခရီးတေလ်ာက္လိုက္ပါသြားၿပီး ဒါဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို မက်င့္သုံးတဲ့ ေဒသတြင္းက ႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာ လုပ္ေလ့လုပ္ထ ရွိတဲ့ ဓေလ့ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔လည္း ေျပာသြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။

Zoe Daniel ဇိုအီ ဒယ္နီယာလ္နဲ႔ အဖြဲ႔သားေတြက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ့ စပ္ကူးမပ္ကူးကာလအေၾကာင္း ရိုက္ကူးထားတဲ့ မွတ္တမ္းဗီဒီယိုကို ဒီေနရာမွာ ၾကည့္ရွဳႏိူင္ပါတယ္။

3/20/2012

ဘတ္ဂ်က္အေရး ေတြးမိသမွ်

http://padaukmyay.blogspot.com/       Friday, March 16, 2012 

ႏွစ္ငါးဆယ္ အတြင္းမွာ ပထမဆံုး အႀကိမ္ အျဖစ္နဲ႕ အစိုးရ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ကို လူသိရွင္ၾကား ထုတ္ျပန္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ေဆြးေႏြးခြင့္ ရတာဟာ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒရဲ့ အသီးအပြင့္ တစ္ခုပါပဲ။ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေတြကလည္း အေတာ္ေလး တက္တက္ ႂကြႂကြ ေဆြးေႏြး ၾကတာကိုလည္း သတိျပဳမိပါတယ္။ သို႕ေသာ္ သတင္းစာထဲက ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္ေတြကို ဖတ္ရင္း လႊတ္ေတာ္ရဲ့ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ ေရးရာ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေထာက္ျပ စရာေတြလည္း ေတြ႕လာရပါတယ္။


ပထမဆံုး ေတြ႕ရတာကေတာ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေတြ အေနနဲ႕ ႏုိင္ငံရဲ့ မိုက္ခရိုနဲ႕ မက္ခရို စီးပြားေရး အေျခအေန (Micro- economics and Macroeconomics) အေျခအေနေတြကို ထည့္သြင္း စဥ္းစားျခင္း မရိွဘဲ ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနမ်ား၊ စီမံကိန္းမ်ား အေပၚ မိမိတို႕ရဲ့ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ အျမင္မ်ားကို အေျခခံၿပီး ေျပာဆုိ ေဆြးေႏြးတာက အမ်ားစု ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အခ်က္ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီကေန႕ ႏုိင္ငံ စီးပြားေရးကို ေျပာရင္ တုန္႕ဆုိင္းေနတယ္လို႕ ေျပာရမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါဟာ ၂၀၀၈ ေငြေၾကး အက်ပ္အတည္း ေနာက္ပိုင္း ႏုိင္ငံအားလံုး ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရတဲ့ အေျခအေနပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါကို ကုစားတဲ့အခါ ႏုိင္ငံအမ်ားစုက စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတြ လည္ပတ္ႏုိင္ဖို႕ အခြန္ ေလွ်ာ့ေပးတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး စီးပြားေရး ျပန္လည္ ႏိႈးဆြတဲ့ ရန္ပံုေငြကို ထူေထာင္ၿပီး အတိုး သက္သာတဲ့ စက္မႈ လုပ္ငန္း ေခ်းေငြေတြ ေပးတာ၊ အစိုးရ တည္ေဆာက္ေရး လုပ္ငန္း Publci Work ေတြ လုပ္ေပးတယ္။ တရုတ္ သည္ပင္လွ်င္ ၂၀၀၈ အက်ပ္အတည္း ကေန ရုန္းထြက္ဖို႕ အတြက္ ေဒၚလာ ၅၈၆ ဘီလီယံ ရန္ပံုေငြ ထူေထာင္ၿပီး လုပ္ေပးခဲ့ရတယ္။ အေမရိကန္က ေဒၚလာ ၇၈၇ ဘီလီယံ ရန္ပံုေငြ ထူေထာင္ေပးရတယ္။

မက္ခရို္ စီးပြားေရး သေဘာ အရ စီးပြားေရး နလံ ျပန္ထူခ်င္တယ္ ဆိုရင္ ကုန္ထုတ္ လုပ္ငန္းေတြ လည္ပတ္ေအာင္၊ လူေတြ ေငြပို သံုးႏုိင္ေအာင္၊ အလုပ္အကိုင္ အခြင့္အလမ္းေတြ ေပၚလာေအာင္ လုပ္ရတယ္။ ဒါက အေျခခံ သေဘာတရားပါ။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ လိုေငြျပ ဘတ္ဂ်က္နဲ႕ သြားရပါတယ္။

ဒီကေန႕ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားရဲ့ ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္ေတြကို ၿခံဳၾကည့္လုိက္ရင္ အခုလို ေတြ႕ရတယ္။

စီမံကိန္းႀကီးေတြ အပါအ၀င္ ၀န္ႀကီး ဌာနေတြရဲ့ အသံုးစရိတ္ကို ျဖတ္ေတာက္ဖို႕။

စီးပြားေရး ဦးေမာ့လာေအာင္ လုပ္ဖို႕။

အခြန္အေကာက္ေတြ ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ဖို႕။

အစိုးရ ၀န္ေဆာင္မႈေတြ အရည္အေသြး တိုးျမွင့္ေပးဖို႕။

သူတို႕ လႊတ္ေတာ္ နယ္ေျမေတြမွာ လိုအပ္ေနတဲ့ ေက်ာင္း၊ ေဆးခန္း၊ လမ္း၊ တံတား၊ ေရသြယ္ေျမာင္း၊ ဆည္ေတြ လုပ္ေပးဖို႕။

ဘတ္ဂ်က္ လိုေငြမျပဖို႕။

၀န္ထမ္းေတြကို အနည္းဆံုး လစာ တစ္သိန္း ေပးဖို႕။

ဒါေတြကို ခ်ၾကည့္ လိုက္ရင္ပဲ ဘယ္လိုမွ အဆက္အစပ္ မညီတာ ေတြ႕ရမွာပါ။ အဲဒါဟာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေတြ အတြင္းမွာ မက္ခရို စီးပြားေရး သေဘာတရားကို ဆုပ္ကိုင္ၿပီး တူညီတဲ့ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မႈနဲ႕ ေဆြးေႏြးရမယ့္ အစား မိမိ သန္ရာသန္ရာ ေဆြးေႏြး ေနတာေၾကာင့္ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ေနာက္တစ္ခါ အမတ္တစ္ခ်ုဳိ႕က အေျခခံ ဥပေဒမွာ ပါတဲ့ ဥပေဒျပဳေရး အခန္းက႑ကို တိတိပပ မသိတာလည္း ေတြ႕ရတယ္။ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ တစ္ခိ်ဳ႕က ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန အသံုးစရိတ္ကို ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့ ေနရာမွာ အေဆာက္အဦ တစ္ခုကို ဒီေနရာမွာ မေဆာက္ဘဲ ဟိုေနရာမွာ ေဆာက္သင့္တယ္လို႕ ေဆြးေႏြး တာေတာင္ ရိွတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဥပေဒ ျပဳေရးဟာ အသံုးစရိတ္ကိုပဲ ေဆြးေႏြးရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေဆာက္သင့္လို႕ ေငြခြင့္ျပဳတယ္ ဆိုရင္ အေရွ႕လွည့္၊ အေနာက္လွည့္ ေဆာက္တာ၊ စီမံကိန္း နယ္ေျမထဲမွာ ဘယ္ေနရာမွ အေဆာက္အဦ ေဆာက္မယ္ ေရြးတာဟာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားရဲ့ အလုပ္သာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လစာ တစ္သိန္း ဆိုတဲ့ ကိစၥမ်ိဳး ၾကေတာ့လည္း အစုိးရအဖြဲ႕က လစာထက္ ေထာက္ပံ့ေၾကးလုိပဲ တုိးေပးႏုိင္မယ္ ဆိုၿပီး Data ေတြနဲ႕ ရွင္းျပတာကို နားေထာင္ ၿပီးတဲ့အခါ လစာ မျဖစ္မေနတိုးဖို႕ ေျပာေနသူေတြဟာ မိန္းမက ေနာက္ေဖး မီးဖိုေခ်ာင္မွာ ဆန္၊ ဆီ၊ ေစ်းဖိုးတြက္ၿပီး တစ္ပတ္စာ ေလာက္ေအာင္ ဘယ္လို ခ်က္ရမလဲ တြက္ရင္း ေခၽြးျပန္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ အိမ္ေရွ႕မွာ ထုိင္ၿပီး အိမ္မွာ ရိွမွန္းမသိ၊ မရိွမွန္းမသိ ျဖတ္သြားသမွ် လူကို ထမင္း ၀င္စားပါဦးလို႕ ဖိတ္ေနတဲ့ အိမ္ဦးနတ္နဲ႔ တူေလစြလို႔လည္း ေတြးမိပါတယ္။

ေနာက္တစ္ခါ SEA Game ကို ၂၀၁၃၊ အာဆီယံ ဥကၠဌ တာ၀န္ကို ၂၀၁၄ မွာ ယူရမယ့္ အခ်ိန္မွာ အဓိက အခမ္းအနားေတြ က်င္းပရမယ့္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္က ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး စီမံကိန္းေတြ အားလံုး ရပ္ဆိုင္း ထားသင့္ေၾကာင္း ေဆြးေႏြး တာမ်ိဳးဟာလည္း ေဆြးေႏြးသူရဲ့ ေတြးေခၚ ေမွ်ာ္ျမင္မႈအေပၚ ေမးခြန္း ထုတ္စရာ ျဖစ္ေစပါတယ္။

တစ္ဖက္ အသံုးစရိတ္ေတြ ျဖတ္ဖို႔ ေျပာေနခ်ိန္မွာ လူေတြ သိပ္သတိ မထားလိုက္မိတဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေတြအတြက္ ကား၊ ရထား၊ ေလယာဥ္ အခမဲ့စီးခြင့္မ်ား၊ ေဆးကုသခြင့္မ်ား၊ အခမဲ့ ဖုန္း၊ ေရ၊ မီး သံုးစြဲခြင့္မ်ားကို လႊတ္ေတာ္က အတည္ျပဳေပး လိုက္တာကိုလည္း ေတြ႕ရျပန္ပါတယ္။

လႊတ္ေတာ္ဟာ ဥပေဒျပဳ အဖြဲ႕အစည္း အေနနဲ႕ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး အဖြဲ႕အစည္းရဲ့ အသံုးစရိတ္ကို ျပည္သူေတြ သိေအာင္ ေဆြးေႏြး ေထာက္ျပဖို႕၊ ျဖတ္ေတာက္တာ၊ ျပင္ဆင္တာ လုပ္ဖို႕ အခြင့္အေရး ရိွတာ အမွန္ပါပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ နည္းပညာနဲ႔ ဆုိင္တဲ့ကိစၥမ်ိဳး၊ မက္ခရို္ စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ ဆုိင္တဲ့ ကိစၥမ်ဳိးေတြမွာ ျပည္သူ႔ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြ အေနနဲ႕ ဒီထက္ပိုၿပီး အျမင္ က်ယ္က်ယ္နဲ႕ ေဆြးေႏြး သင့္တာ အမွန္ပါပဲ။ အခု အခ်ိန္ထိကေတာ့ ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနေတြကို သူ႕ထက္ငါ ဘယ္သူက ပိုၿပီး ေ၀ဖန္ႏုိင္သလဲ ဆိုတာ ၿပိဳင္ေနတဲ့ အေျခအေန၊ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ ေဆြးေႏြးတယ္ ဆိုတာ ျဖတ္ေတာက္ဖို႔ပဲ ဆိုတဲ့ အသိပဲ ရိွေနတဲ့ အေျခ အေနေတြပဲ ေတြ႕ေနရပါ ေသးတယ္။

ဒါကလည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ့ က႑ ေပါင္းစံုမွာ ေတြ႕ေနရတဲ့ Capacity ျပႆနာလို႔ပဲ ဆိုရမွာပါ။ ေနာက္တစ္ႏွစ္ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ ဆိုရင္ ေတာ့ျဖင့္ အခုထက္ ပိုၿပီး ပညာပါတဲ့ ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္ေတြ ျမင္ရ၊ ၾကားရမယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ မိပါတယ္။

က်င္းပေနဆဲ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေ၀းမ်ားမွာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြရဲ့ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ ေရးရာ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈ မ်ားအေပၚ ဘ၀င္မက် ျဖစ္မိတာေလးကို ပို႕စ္ တင္လိုက္တဲ့ ေန႕မွာပဲ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲက အံ့အားသင့္ဖြယ္ရာ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြကို ၾကားလိုက္ ရပါတယ္။

ပထမ လုပ္ရပ္ကေတာ့ အမ်ိဳးသား လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ အတြက္ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ လ်ာထားတာကို ဥပေဒနဲ႕ မညီဘူး ဆိုၿပီး ေငြအားလံုးကို ပယ္ဖ်က္ လိုက္တဲ့ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ အံ့အား သင့္ဖြယ္ရာ ဆိုတာထက္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားရဲ႕ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ကို ေမးခြန္း ထုတ္စရာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ေတာင္ ဆိုႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအဆိုကို တင္သြင္းသူက က်ားျဖဴပါတီက ေဒၚနန္း၀ါႏု ျဖစ္ၿပီး ႀကံ့ဖြံ႕ အမတ္ေတြကပါ ေထာက္ခံလို႕ အဆို အတည္ ျဖစ္သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။

တကယ္ေတာ့ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ေကာင္စီဟာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက ေတာင္းဆို ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္သာ မဟုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံတြင္းက အေျခအေနမ်ား အရ ဖြဲ႕စည္းခဲ့ရတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေကာ္မရွင္ဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ့ အေျခအေနအရ ရိွဖို႕ လိုအပ္သလား၊ မလိုအပ္ဘူးလား ဆိုတာ ဆယ္တန္း ေက်ာင္းသားေလးေတာင္ ေျဖႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေနရာမွာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အတြင္း ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္မ်ားကို အျပည့္အစံု မသိရလို႕ မေျပာႏုိင္ေပမယ့္ ဒီေကာ္မရွင္ အတြက္ ေငြေတာင္းတာဟာ ျပည္ေထာင္စု အဆင့္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္း မဟုတ္လို႕ ေငြမေပးသင့္ဘူးလို႕ ဆိုရင္ေတာင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အေနနဲ႕ ေအာက္ပါတိုင္း လုပ္သင့္တယ္လို႕ ထင္ပါတယ္။

၁။ ေကာ္မရွင္အတြက္ သီးျခား ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႕ မေပးႏုိင္ဘူး ဆိုရင္ သမၼတရံုး အသံုးစရိတ္ထဲမွာ ထပ္ေဆာင္းေပးၿပီး ေကာ္မရွင္ အတြက္ သံုးသင့္တယ္။

၂။ ေနာင္မွာ ေကာ္မရွင္ အေနနဲ႕ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး မ႑ိဳင္နဲ႕ ကင္းကြာၿပီး သီးျခား လြတ္လပ္စြာ ရပ္တည္ႏုိင္ဖို႕ အတြက္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ကို ဥပေဒနဲ႕ ဖြဲ႕စည္းၿပီး လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္၊ ေငြေၾကး သံုးစြဲခြင့္ေတြကို ေပးႏုိင္ဖို႕ အတြက္ ဥပေဒ ေရးဆြဲဖို႕ အစိုးရကို တိုက္တြန္းတဲ့ အဆိုကို တင္သြင္းသင့္တယ္။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားက စတင္ ျပဳစု တင္သြင္းသင့္တယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ အခု လႊတ္ေတာ္ရဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ကေတာ့ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ ထားတာကို မလိုလားတဲ့ သေဘာ သက္ေရာက္ ေနေတာ့ ဒါဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကို အေထာက္အကူ ျပဳရဲ့လားလို႕ ေမးစရာ ျဖစ္လာပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တစ္ခုက ေကာ္မရွင္အတြက္ ေငြမေပးတဲ့ အတြက္ သမၼတရံုးက စီစဥ္ေပးတဲ့ ေငြနဲ႕သာ ဆက္လုပ္ရမယ္ ဆိုရင္ (အခုထိ ဘယ္ကေငြနဲ႕ ဆက္လုပ္မယ္ ဆိုတာ တိတိက်က် မသိရေသးပါဘူး။) ေကာ္မရွင္ရဲ့ လြတ္လပ္မႈကို မထိခုိက္ ေစဘူးလားလို႕လည္း ေမးခြန္း ထုတ္ဖို႕ ျဖစ္လာပါတယ္။

ဒုတိယ လုပ္ရပ္ကေတာ့ စက္မႈဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳး တိုးတက္ေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနရဲ့ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ကို ၁၀၀% ျဖတ္ေတာက္လိုက္တဲ့ ကိစၥပဲ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ေရးရာေတြကို ေလ့လာခဲ့တာ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ တစ္ခုရိွခဲ့ၿပီ။ ဘယ္ႏုိင္ငံမွာမွ လႊတ္ေတာ္က ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန တစ္ခုရဲ့ အသံုးစရိတ္ကို ၁၀၀% ျဖတ္တယ္ ဆိုတာ မၾကားဖူးပါဘူး။ ၁၀၀% ျဖတ္တယ္ဆိုရင္ လစာေပးဖို႔ေတာင္ မရိွလို႔ ဒီ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနကို ဖ်က္ပစ္ဖို႔ပဲ ရိွတယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေတာ္က ဒီ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ဖြဲ႕စည္းမႈနဲ႕ အဲဒီ ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနရဲ့ ၀န္ႀကီး ခန္႕ထားမႈကိုေတာ့ အတည္ျပဳခဲ့ၿပီး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန အသံုးစရိတ္ကိုေတာ့ တစ္ျပားမွ မေပးဘူး ဆိုတာ ေရွ႕ေနာက္ ညီၫြတ္ ရဲ့လားလို႕ ေမးၾကည့္ခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ျပီး ဒီ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနရဲ့ လ်ာထားတဲ့ စီမံကိန္းေတြဟာ တစ္ခုမွ ႏုိင္ငံအတြက္ အသံုမတည့္ ေတာ့ဘူးလား၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ သိေနတဲ့ စက္မႈဇုန္ ဆိုတာေတြ အတြက္ အကူအညီ ေပးတယ္ ဆိုတာေတြကေရာ လူထု အတြက္ အက်ိဳး မရိွႏုိင္ဘူးလားလုိ႕လည္း ေတြးၾကည့္မိပါတယ္။

ဒါဟာ လစာတိုးေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တံုးက ျပည္သူ႕ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠဌ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းက လစာေပးႏိုင္ဖို႕ အတြက္ ဒီ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနရဲ့ ေငြေတြကို ျဖတ္ေတာက္ၿပီး လစာ တိုးေပးတဲ့စီမွာ သံုးဖို႕အတြက္ အႀကံျပဳခဲ့ဖူးတယ္။ အခု လစာ တိုးေပးတဲ့ကိစၥ မေအာင္ျမင္တဲ့ အတြက္ အစိုးရကို လက္စားေခ်တဲ့ အေနနဲ႔ လုပ္ခဲ့ေလ သလားလို႕ေတာင္ မေတြးစေကာင္း ေတြးမိပါတယ္။

အခုက်င္းပေနတဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေ၀းမ်ားကို ေလ့လာရင္းနဲ႕ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠဌမ်ားရဲ့ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ကို ေမးခြန္း ထုတ္ခ်င္လာ ပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒဟာ အေမရိကန္ပံုစံ အာဏာ သံုးရပ္ကို ခြဲျခားထားၿပီး အျပန္အလွန္ ထိန္းေက်ာင္းတဲ့ စနစ္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဂၤလိပ္ ၀က္မင္နစ္စတာ ပံုစံလို လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ အမ်ားစုရတဲ့ ပါတီက အစိုးရဖြဲ႕၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္က လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေရာ ၀န္ႀကီးေရာ လုပ္လို႔ရတဲ့ စနစ္ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ မ႑ိဳင္ တစ္ခုျခင္းဟာ သီးျခား ရပ္တည္ေနတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။

ဒီေနရာမွာ အျပန္အလွန္ ထိန္းေက်ာင္းျခင္း ဆိုတဲ့ အႏွစ္သာရကို ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ နားလည္ဖို႕ လိုမယ္ ထင္ပါတယ္။ အျပန္ အလွန္ ထိန္းေက်ာင္းတာဟာ စင္ၿပိဳင္အာဏာ တည္ေဆာက္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ အျပန္အလွန္ ထိန္းေက်ာင္းမႈဟာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးကို ခုိင္ၿမဲေစၿပီး စင္ၿပိဳင္ အာဏာ တည္ေဆာက္ျခင္းဟာ အားလံုးကို ၿပိဳကြဲေစပါတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠဌမ်ားဟာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားရဲ့ ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္မ်ား၊ ေမးခြန္းမ်ားကို ထိန္းေက်ာင္း ေပးရသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ မေမးသင့္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းကို မေမးရေအာင္၊ အဆိုမ်ား စနစ္တက် ျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေပးရသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခုအခ်ိ္န္ အထိေတာ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠဌမ်ား ကိုယ္တုိင္က Free for All လႊတ္ေပးထားတဲ့ သေဘာမွာ ရိွေနတယ္လို႕ ထင္မိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႕ဟာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ရဲ့ ဥပေဒျပဳ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို အသက္ ၀င္ေစခ်င္လို႕ လုပ္ေနတာလား၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ သူတို႕ရဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ အတြက္ ကေမာက္ကမ အေျခအေနေတြကို ဖန္တီး ေနတာလား ဆိုတာ ျပန္စိစစ္ရမယ့္ အေျခအေနကို ေရာက္ေနၿပီလို႕ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႕လည္း ဆိုေတာ့ အေနာက္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ႏုိင္ငံေတြမွာေတာင္ အာဏာရ ပါတီက အမတ္မ်ားဟာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး မ႑ိဳင္မွာ တာ၀န္ ယူေနရတဲ့ မိမိတို႕ပါတီက လူမ်ားကို ေနရာတကာ ေထာ္ေလာ္ ကန္႕လန္႕ လုပ္တာ မေတြ႕ဘူးလို႕ပါပဲ။ အေမရိကန္လို လြတ္လပ္ပါတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ႏုိင္ငံမွာေတာင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲက ဒီမိုကရက္ အမတ္မ်ားဟာ ဒီမိုကရက္ သမၼတရဲ့ မူ၀ါဒ ေအာင္ျမင္ေရးကို ပူးေပါင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္တာကို ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ သေဘာ မတူတာ ရိွရင္ေတာင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲက ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားနဲ႕ သမၼတ ေတြ႕ဆံုညိွႏိႈင္းၿပီး ဥပေဒျပဳေရး ကိစၥမ်ားကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ ၾကတာေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ ဆီမွာေတာ့ ဥပေဒျပဳေရးနဲ႕ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး မ႑ိဳင္ႏွစ္ခုဟာ တစ္ပါတီတည္းမွ ဟုတ္ရဲ့လားလို႕ ေတြးစရာ ျဖစ္ရမယ့္ အေျခေတာင္ ဆိုက္ေနပါၿပီ။ ဒါဟာ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံု အေျခခံ ဥပေဒက ရည္ရြယ္တဲ့ အျပန္အလွန္ ထိန္းေက်ာင္းျခင္း အဆင့္ကို ေက်ာ္လႊန္ၿပီး Power Politic အဆင့္ကိုမ်ား သြားေနၿပီလားလို႕ သံသယ ျဖစ္စရာပါပဲ။

အခုလို အေျပာင္းအလဲ ကာလမွာ ဒီလို သံသယေတြ မရိွသင့္တာေတာ့ အမွန္ပဲ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႕ အေနနဲ႕လည္း အေျခခံဥပေဒ အတည္ ျဖစ္လာတဲက အေျခခံဥပေဒ ေဘာင္ထဲကေန အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ လုပ္ဖို႕အတြက္ အဆူခံ၊ အဆဲခံၿပီး ေရးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ရဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္အခ်ိဳ႕ဟာ အေျပာင္း အလဲကို အားေပးတာထက္ ထိခုိက္ေအာင္ လုပ္သလိုမ်ား ျဖစ္လာေနၿပီလားလို႔ စိုးရိမ္မိပါတယ္။



3/18/2012

International conference on Myanmar: Bridging South and Southeast Asia

The International Conference was held for two days on January 30 and 31 in New Delhi, India at Jamia Millia Isalamia [Academy of International Studies].

Seven Political parties from Burma sent delegates to the Conference: 1. U Win Myint and U Myo Aung from USDP; 2. U Htoon Yi and U Thein Htoon from NUP; 3. U Khin Maung Swe, Dr. Hla Soe Nyunt, and U Nay Minn Kyaw from NDF; 4. Daw Minnie Thinn Kyaw and Daw Aye Thandar from DPM; 5. U Khun Maung Ngwe and U Khun Tin Htut from Pa-o National League; 6. U Zoe Zum and U Nge Pee from Chin National Party; and 7. U Sai Maung Tint and U Sai Thi Ha Kyaw from Shan National Democratic Party.
NGOs also sent their delegates – Tampadipa Institute, Euro Burma Office [Brussels]; Former Ambassador to Singapore U Thaung Htoon, Professors Veena Sikri and Dr. Arvind Gupta, Chief Minister of Nagaland Hon’ble Shri Neiphiu Rio were also in attendance.
On the first day of the Conference, Jan 30th, U Khin Maung Swe from NDF and U Win Myint from USDP briefed on the current general situation of Myanmar and 2010 Elections.
DPM submitted two papers, viz. ‘The Role of Oppositions after 2010 Election’ and ‘Myanmar: Bridging South and Southeast Asia’.
Professors Veena Sikri and Dr. Arvind Gupta gave dinner reception for the delegates.

On the second day of the Conference, Jan 31st U Zoe Zum from Chin National Party, U Htoon Yi from NUP, U Win Myint from USDP, and U Khin maung Swe from NDF discussed: Indo-Myanmar: political, economic, and Kaladan issues; and NGOs discussed Insufficient involvement of Women in Myanmar politics, Women’s Right, Internal Peace, Post 2010 Election, and upcoming By-election in April 2012, Naga Affairs and Border Bridging issues.

At 19:00 hr Euro Burma Office Executive Director Han Yawnghwe briefed the Conference on EBO Constitution, and its Modus Operandi and EBO’s international relations as well as EBO’s mode of raising fund. Harn gave dinner reception.

DPM’s Minnie Thinn Kyaw discussed that the role of opposition in current Myanmar is quite pale, and seems insignificance; media attention only on one party is inappropriate; the importance of Opposition and invited Harn to meet with DPM leaders when he visits Myanmar in February.
On January 29th before the Conference the Delegates visited New Delhi’s famous structures and Fords and the national Museum.

On January 31st the Delegates visited India’s parliament and made the study tour.

On February 1st the Delegates left Ashoka Hotel, Delhi at 05:00 hr to visit Taj Maha and other world famous structures in Agra.

On February 2nd at 22:30 arrived back in Yangon, Myanmar.

Filed by:
Minnie Thin Kyaw
General Secretary
DPM Women Organization





3/10/2012

Ex-Inmates Describe Torture In Burma






A painting in the office of a political prisoner advocacy group depicts mistreatment of inmates in Burmese prisons. (By Ellen Nakashima -- The Washington Post)



RANGOON, Burma -- Min Ko Naing spent nearly 16 years in solitary confinement. Not even his jailers would make eye contact with him. Myo Myint was repeatedly stripped, shackled and beaten while spending much of the same period in prison, also for challenging Burma's military rulers. During one interrogation, he recalled, he was kept naked for four days while being bludgeoned with canes. During another, he was lashed for hours to a seesaw, head down, until he blacked out. Each man had passed more than a third of his life in prison when both were released in 2004. Min Ko Naing, 44, remained in Burma, under scrutiny of the secret police. Myo Myint, 43, fled to a small town just over the border in Thailand. Their testimony, provided in separate interviews last month, highlights the psychological and physical abuse endured by political prisoners in Burma, which is ruled by a military junta. More than 1,100 people remain in jail for seeking democratic reform, according to Amnesty International. The two men's accounts reveal how determined they remain to press for social change despite torture inside prison walls and only the remote prospect for a shift in power outside them.


Myo Myint now works with a group advocating prisoner rights. Min Ko Naing is urging the government and its opponents to set aside political differences to ease the country's deepening poverty and treat spreading disease.


It was not possible to independently verify the two men's accounts, but their descriptions of conditions in the prisons were similar to those provided by other former Burmese inmates.


Min Ko Naing organized a national student union in the 1980s to press for democracy. But in August 1988, Burmese security forces smashed the movement, killing thousands of students and workers demanding an end to military rule. In 1989, when he was plucked off the street by men in a red pickup truck, he became one of his country's most famous political prisoners.


Though Min Ko Naing is now at constant risk of being rearrested, he agreed to meet a foreign journalist because, he said, he wanted to emphasize his hope for national reconciliation. "There were so many bitter experiences," he said during the interview behind closed doors in a private room in central Rangoon. "My individual life and experience was bitterness."


But he refuses to dwell on the past. "We've glimpsed the light of the Buddha's teachings," he said, referring to other former student activists. "Forgiveness and loving kindness can conquer the hatred. Our aim for all citizens of our country is to leave our individual sacrifice and individual suffering for the past."


Min Ko Naing's voice is deep but soft, his dark brown eyes sober. When he explains his views, he ticks off the points on slender fingers. When he wants to summon a memory, he presses a thumb to his forehead.


Throughout his time in prison, Min Ko Naing said, he was kept in a cell apart from others, watched by unseen military agents and denied even a book or a pen. "There was no human contact," he recalled, then switching from Burmese to English for emphasis: "Nothing."


He spent the first nine years in the infamous Insein Prison, in a dim cell eight feet by 10 feet.


Leaning forward during the interview, he drew a tight circle in the air with his hand to illustrate the size of his cell. Then he rose to his feet and turned his back, extending his right arm behind him. He pretended to flick a lighter, demonstrating how his jailers would light his cheroot cigar without facing him.


"The guard wouldn't even look at me because military intelligence was watching," he said. "They were so afraid of letting me have contact with others -- not even a cat, not even a bird."


In 1991 his parents and sister were allowed to see him, but no one else outside his family, and never for more than 15 minutes every two weeks, he said. He was hooded when he was taken to and from the meeting point, to prevent any other human contact. In 1998, he was transferred to Sittwe Prison in remote Rakhaing state, 350 miles from Rangoon. Visits became almost impossible.


Min Ko Naing was released in November 2004, unexpectedly and without official explanation.


He said in the interview that he believed the country's military rulers were unlikely to relinquish power any time soon. So since his release, he and other activists have urged the government to cooperate with them on social programs to raise incomes and help reverse what are among Asia's worst outbreaks of AIDS and malaria.


The government has so far shunned the proposals. Some Burmese who have been in contact with the former prisoners have themselves been jailed recently.


The information minister, Brig. Gen. Kyaw Hsan, said his government respects the rights of all people in Burma, which the rulers call Myanmar.


"The people of Myanmar are enjoying human rights no less than the people of other countries," Kyaw Hsan said in an interview. "There is a high level of human rights in our country. But all people have to abide by the rules and regulations of the nations." People's rights can be curtailed only if they act in a way that "affects the stability and security of the state and the national interest," he said.


Myo Myint did not know Min Ko Naing. But he knew of him. And he knew they shared the same goals.


A handsome, six-foot-tall son of a Burmese army captain, Myo Myint followed his father into the service. But then a land mine blew off his right arm and leg. He said that his long convalescence gave him time to reflect on atrocities he had seen fellow soldiers commit and that he began to see the bleakness of the government.


In 1989, he met Aung San Suu Kyi, the charismatic opposition leader whose fledgling party, the National League for Democracy, was beginning to attract legions of followers. Myo Myint became an official in the party's youth wing.


In August 1989, Myo Myint was arrested and sent to Insein Prison. The following year, inmates there went on a hunger strike, demanding that political prisoners be released. The jailers broke the strike. Myo Myint recalled that they forced him to lie facedown for more than seven hours while they stood on his remaining arm and leg, beating him with a wooden rod.


Other times they made him squat on his one good leg for four hours a day, blindfolded.


The prisoners called the tiny, darkened isolation cell at Insein the "military dog cell," Myo Myint recalled during an interview in Mae Sot, a Thai town on the Burmese border. Once, he said, he was left in that cell for a month. He could not see anything, only the hand of the prison guard passing him a stale portion of fish paste.


"You didn't know if it was day or night," he said.


Another time, he recalled, he was stripped, blindfolded and forced to perch on a four-foot-high stool, handcuffed to the seat. Then the guards kicked it out from under him, punching him and beating him on the back and hips with canes.


What sustained him throughout his three terms in prison over nearly 15 years, he said, was his belief that one day Burma's internal strife would end. "Many people made sacrifices," he said. "I myself, I lost my leg. Many people lost their parents, their children. . . . Only having reconciliation and a democratic government, that is what I wanted."


Upon his second release, in 1997, he set out to support those who were still inside. Using his prison contacts, he smuggled food and letters into the jail. Within one month, he was caught and taken to a military intelligence center. There, he said, he was starved and beaten until he suffered rectal bleeding.


Myo Myint was released for the final time in May 2004 and again resumed his underground efforts. But every two days, an intelligence officer would visit his home, warning him to stop, he said. Last March, after he was interrogated for an entire day and threatened with arrest yet again, Myo Myint decided it was time to leave. He used his old military ID card to slip across the border into Thailand. He now works in Mae Sot for the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, documenting the number of political prisoners still behind bars.


A report issued last month by the assistance association said the type of abuse experienced by Min Ko Naing and Myo Myint is widespread. Based on interviews with 24 former political prisoners, the report said torture is used to "break down" political activists and instill fear in the public.


At night, Myo Myint said, he still wakes up sweating and shaking. It could be a dog barking that jars him from sleep. It could be a memory. The images of tortured prisoners haunt him.


"I know exactly how they feel, how they suffer," he said. "As long as they are behind bars, I cannot ignore that. So I work for them."


Nakashima reported from Mae Sot, Thailand.









Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, January 3, 2006



တီးမယ္

PALI ZI. CHAU’ CHE’ PALI OU: GYI PALI ZI. NJAN: HSIN

PALI ZI. CHAU’ CHE’  PALI OU: GYI  PALI ZI. NJAN: HSIN
[Stuff and nonsense – lies] [Wheeler, one who deceives in an endearing way] [Using deceits as scaffolding]

Maung Thar Kyaw

The Statement, dated October 30th, and with the Place mentioned as: Sane Lai Kan Thar, the name of the State Guest House: ‘from 13:00 to 13:55 Daw Aung San Su Kyi [ASSK] came to see Union Minister U Aung Kyi, as she was invited by the Government of the Republic of Myanmar’ was issued.

At the Meeting the discussion dwelled on the situation where ‘the State is providing necessary assistances [meaning Constitution Amendments, for example, I guess]; and, in order to have economic development views on the importance of freedom of trade, and free circulation of currencies were also discussed’. And also, ‘the progress of the State’s undertakings to obtain perpetual peace initiatives with ethnic armed groups and the people that should be included in the amnesty were discussed’. Meetings in the future shall convene is agreed.

Details of the entire Meeting were not disclosed, as usual. This is the fourth time such Meeting had taken place.

After the Third Meeting between the two factions the Statement mentioned that the President was considering Amnesty, to join hands in controlling the flow of the Irrawaddy River, to bring in into legal folds of the people who are undergoing armed rebellion; and peace and rule of law were discussed.

After meeting with Aung Kyi twice ASSK met the President Thein Sein in August in Naypyidor. Soon afterward, over 200 so-called political prisoners were released under Amnesty Order. So-called political prisoner because the Governing clique consistently mentioned there is no political prisoners in Myanmar though there are plenty. There is some truth in the government’s claim that there is no political prisoner because no one was arrested under political issues but rather on criminal charges - for example: currency law, or disturbing public tranquility, etc.

ASSK met with Aung Kyi nine times under the previous military government but there was no substantive result whatsoever came out.

The Government came into existence on January 31, 2011 under the caption of the Government of the Republic of Myanmar with its President elected by the Union Parliament, a former military officer General Thein Sein. Many opinionated this General is a Dove – a soft liner, and his Deputy President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo [Shit Loane], another ex-General is a Hawk – a hard liner; all baloney; they all are one liner, i.e. for the prosperity and welfare of the Armed Forces, meaning the top and upper echelon of the Army, under the guise of democracy.

New Guise needs, of course, new format and that new format is what the new government is formatting or formatted by the military junta before the State Power was transferred and implementing it as planned. Whether former SG Than Shwe is pulling the string from behind or is he still involved in day to day affairs are all irrelevant, though his State managed private office near Oatparta Thati Pagoda in Naypyidor is hooked with Online TV honing in onto the proceedings of the Union Parliament. He knows or he is privy to know who is behaving or misbehaving in the Union Parliament but whether he is watching the TV is something yet to be known or playing his favorite games.

The Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature were formed and on March 30th the State Power was transferred; the military junta SPDC was dissolved. The Ministry of Interior had given warnings to NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and Secretary ASSK in the last week of June to stop all its political activities as NLD is no political party according to the Party Registration Law of the Union Election Commission. The Ministry warning emphatically mentioned that NLD’s actions were intentionally motivated against the Law.

On top of that Union Election Commission had warned with a letter dated April 5th to all 37 Registered Political Parties not to communicate with illegal political entities. Presumably, political circles as well as diplomatic community considered the warning was directed towards NDL.

Though the new government’s changing color is visible it is still noticeably unruly. The disregards of public opinions as well as international barrages remain as the hallmark of the Thein Sein’s Administration.

Disregarding its own Ministry’s Order Thein Sein allowed Minister Aung Kyi to parley with ASSK and even invited her to Naypyidor and received her exclusively where all political leaders from the Registered Political Parties are treated shabbily at the same occasion.

The Constitution was amended proposed by the Union Election Commission regarding the Membership where criminals cannot be party members or a political entity cannot register if its members are serving criminals. That phrase has now been erased for the sake of NLD. That amendment had made eased NLD to avoid the issue of abandoning its own jailed members when and if they apply for Party Registration.

The antagonistic political ogres of Burma are, on the visual body politics, in cordial relationship. One is, up to recent past, enjoyed full support of China and now trying its best to veer off to get into the western orbit. The other ogre has, from the very beginning to present, receives consistent and absolute no-matter-what support from the western camp. It has four Radio stations providing overwhelming support in high volume of propaganda just for one person, viz. Radio Free Asia and Voice of America [two US outfits], BBC [British outfit], and Democratic Voice of Burma [EU outfit] beaming into Burma where people are socket in with one line to support, day in and day out, every day. This ogre is the western group’s horse of Burma and Thein Sein Administration wants to ride along with that horse to the winning post. Is consistent propping up necessitate a leader to become an icon? Yes, it is, at least in Burma, it has been proven!

Within a couple of days NLD will decide whether to register and the outcome is quite predictable: ‘if ASSK is promised to contest in the upcoming By-election then NLD will allow to Register by ASSK regardless of party or public opinion’. Does it mean: ‘if she is not allowed to contest in the upcoming By-election’ then NLD will not be permitted to register by ASSK? Quite likely so, as all the past behaviors indicated that: ‘person is superior to policy’, and the ‘party is dispensable’.

So far, there is no knowledge that the outcome of the Aung Kyi-Su Kyi Meeting had agreed whether ASSK will be allowed to contest in the election. If that is the case the amendment of the constitution will be a major issue. At the end of the day, one faction will sure to swallow the other like python. No on

e knows, which one will come out as the python and which one is Mai Dwe Lay.

Maung Thar Kyaw

Taiwan, November 3, 2011.



OUR COUNTRY -----

Burmese society is unique. With extended family system Burmese are laid back, or rather happy go lucky.
Sayar-Dagar relationship, or, the bond between the Sanghas and laymen is deep rooted and has been part of the culture from the time immemorial.
Elderly people spend time at pagodas or the monasteries sharing merits or family gossip, or whatever, and, that is how, unlike the Western society, members of the Burmese society do not need much of psychiatrists’ assistance.
Quiet time, alone, communicating with the Lord Buddha is part and parcel of our heritage we all enjoy tremendously. Visiting pagodas had never needed permission from the authorities.

see all

http://uk.geocities.com/kabarmakyay/Our_Country.pdf

Are these happening in Burma!

As long as one enriches him/her-self in the decadences the sky is the limit, as the junta would not bother them, that’s the saying goes in present context of Burma.
Thinzar Win, a Model, could do pretty well on Catwalk and other walks such as Burmanization of Bikini, for example. Just kicked off the blouse and the jeans and leave only bra and the underwear, that becomes Bikini, as simple as that. Look!

Here she is, Thinzar Win, on the right.

Could you still think you are looking at Burmese girls who are posting for this photo in Rangoon? If you think the junta is to be blamed for all decadent aspects, then, your thinking may be inconclusive.

Shwedarling.com, a website for dating and mating prevails in today’s Burma. In 1988 no one could dream that Burma would be at this stage today but it has advanced so fast and so vast.

Infested with nouveau riche in the ngathalau’ economy decadences are abound; instead of tea break at usual hour at or around 4:00 PM now the nouveau riche have new past time at 3:30 PM or so – “Time to squeeze Pau’ Si” at Karaoke bars that are mushrooming through out Burma!

Junta’s policies may have pushed urbanites to that corner but it is just a plain excuse. Getting along by going along is a sin, by all means.

Here is another exhibit to think of!

Moe Hay Ko, another Model, good at Catwalk as well as other walks – bed walk [?] smooching somewhere in the quiet corner!
These girls really have come out of Burmese cocoon – hi ri. u’ ta’ pa. [Shame and fear of sinning] for sure.

Mind you dear reader – the decaying culture of the people is unfathomable, especially the urbanites, the sponsors of such decadences, and, contemplate what reforms would be needed for our beloved country. Mind you, the tiger would never change into vegetarian out of pity for animals!

Salamani Kantchalar!

Burma was under absolute monarchy from 1044 AD until 1885 AD and was under different dynasties. The Monarchs yearned to possess White Elephant; i.e. to claim as the Owner of the White Elephant or Sin Phyu Shin, or, if they have more than one White Elephant, then, Sin Phyu Myarr Shin!

One White Elephant-crazy king even commanded to retrieve a dead elephant floated down the river that had resemblances of White Elephant and kept in his palace and claimed he was the Sin Phuy Shin.

White Elephant is considered to represent the power and glory of the Owner and the White Elephant would appear, according to the myth, only if the Ruler of the country has strong Power and Glory.

Burma has dictators since 1962: viz. Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe; and, all of them seem to believe that they were the royalty somehow or other. The last dynasty, Koane Baung, ended with His Majesty King Thibaw. The prophecy had it that there would be 13 Koane Baung kings to reign Burma. Thibaw was the 11th and two more kings are yet to reign. Ne Win presumed he was the 12th Koane Baung King! Saw Maung seemed to have believed that he was the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and, Than Shwe believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun.

During Thar Lun Than Shwe’s reign, a White Elephant was sited in the jungle of Rakhine State. With pomp and pageantry the White Elephant was brought to Rangoon, the then Nay Pyi Daw and kept in the highly decorated pavilion that befits only to the royalty with special elephant guards, etc., so on and so forth. All the necessary arrangements were carried out by MI and its Chief Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty, though he never got to the top most spot of the junta’s ivory tower. The propaganda mill was fanning at high speed that the current rulers of Burma have highly auspicious power and glory so much so that the White Elephant was presented by the Nats [Resplendent being worthy of veneration].

Within a few months after the White Elephant had settled in at the newly built pavilion a Bangladeshi, or, to be more exact, a Chittagonian, or better known in Burma as Khortaw Kalar showed up at the Bangladeshi Embassy in Rangoon, claiming that the elephant at the Pavilion was his elephant that was herded away by the Burmese while grazing in the jungle and requested the Bangladeshi Ambassador to reclaim the elephant from the Burmese junta on his behalf. To cut the story short the Ambassador along with the Officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and MI officers went to the Pavilion with the Khortaw Kalar and demanded to prove his claim.

There, Khortaw Kalar stepped out and bellowed: Salamani Kantchalar!

At the very instant the ‘Command’ was heard the White Elephant lifted up his trunk and trumpeted a very loud noise. The ‘Command’ was given for the second time and the White Elephant responded in the same manner again. Then, Khortaw Kalar commanded in more Khortaw words: the White Elephant was under complete spell of commands – sitting, kneeling, etc. Now, the claim was proven to be true and the negotiation was but started. MI ended up paying US $ 100,000.00 from the State coffer as demanded by the Khortaw Kalar for the White Elephant that was supposed to have been presented by the Nats due to the power and glory of the rulers of Burma.

Khortaw did not stop then and there. He added there are four more such elephants in his possession and they were up for sale if the price is right. MI arranged a delegation to accompany the Khortaw to his native village in the no-man’s land between Bangladesh and Burma to inspect the so called White Elephants. There, the delegation found two more White Elephants out of the four and agreed to pay US$ 200,000 a piece.

Burmese delegation could not just take the two elephants away they bought; they need the Khortaw to release the two in the Rakhine jungle for them to herd them back to Burma later as though it was naturally sited. Thus, the usurper royalties of Burma got three White Elephants at a price of US $ 500,000.

Some one got excited regarding the Salamani Kantchalar and traced back how it came into existence! In the anal of Burma there was a time when a Shan Prince by the name of Sao Han Pha, better known as Tho Han Bwa reigned Burma. He was a tyrant by all means; conceited and insolent, and very much anti-Buddhist religion. During his rein many Monks were tortured, killed and extradited to far away places and forced them from learning Buddhist scripture. Tho Han Bwa was the Daman daye [impediment endangering the teachings of Buddha] of his time. Under Tho Han Bwa, some aspects of Buddhist incantations had changed; for example: Buddhan Tharanan Gitsarmi, Dhaman Tharanan Gitsarmi but Sanghan Tharanan was turned into Gunsarmi, and Buddhan Puzaymi, Dhaman Puzaymi, and Sangan had turned into Pu-Jail-mi, just like recent events under Daman daye Thar Lun Than Shwe.

Many Burmese fled to far away places, including Burma-Bangladesh border to fight back Tho Han Bwa and/or other tyrants. There, they deployed Khortaws to attend their elephants. Khortaws were taught to learn ‘Commands’ in Burmese but it was very difficult for the Khortaws to learn the necessary commands for the elephants. By virtue of wits a Burmese gave a ‘battle command or a battle cry’ for the elephants: “Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee”, in rhyme with the actual command. That, Khortaw could learn with not much difficulty. As the time woes on the command Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee had resonance into Salamani Kantchalar!

Ne Win who presumed to be the 12th Koane Baung, Saw Maung who presumed to be the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and the cagey sly fox Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty had all but ended badly. Now we have to see how Than Shwe who believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun ended? Is it to believe that those who sit on such chairs excrete such excreta?

As a matter of fact, the real Owner of the White Elephants or the Sin Phyu Myarr Shin actually was the Khortaw Kalar of Bangladesh!

By the way,
All the Usurpers,
Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe are mere “Suu Yauts”!

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