အမတ္ေလာင္း ဇြ
ျမန္မာေမာ္ဒန္ေက်ာက္စာမ်ား
ေရးထိုးႏွစ္ ၂၀၁၀
ေမလ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႔ ရတ္ခ်ာဖရားဆြန္ လမ္းဆုံက ဆႏၵျပသမားေတြကုိ ၿဖိဳခဲြခဲ့တဲ့ အခင္းနဲ႕ ပါတ္သက္ပီးေတာ့ အစိုးရဖက္ အေရးအေပၚအေျခအေန ဆုံးျဖတ္ေရးဗဟုိဌာနကေတာ့ ဆႏၵျပသမားေတြနဲ႔ေရာေနတဲ့ လက္နက္ကုိင္ အၾကမ္း ဖက္သမားေတြကုိ အေရးယူေဆာင္ရြက္တာ လို႕ ဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ျပည္သူလူထုက အေရးယူေပးဖုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သင့္ေလ်ာ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖုိ႔လုိ တယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကေတ့ အစုိးရေပၚလစီအတုိင္း လုိက္နာရမွာျဖစ္တယ္” ရတ္ခ်ာဖရားဆြန္ လူထုစည္းေ၀းပဲြႀကီးေနရာကေန ထြက္သြားၾကဖုိ႔နဲ႔သၾကၤန္ပြဲေတာ္ကုိ မိမိတုိ႔ေနရပ္႒ာေနမွာ ဆင္ႏႊဲဖုိ႔ျပန္သြားသူေတြကုိလည္း ဒီေနရာကို ျပန္မလာၾကဖုိ႔ ဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီး Sansern က ရွပ္နီဆႏၵျပ သမား ေတြ ကုိ ေတာင္းဆုိ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ “ရတ္ခ်ာဖရားဆြန္ေနရာက မလုံၿခဳံဘူးဆုိတာ က်ေနာ္ေျပာပါရေစ၊ စစ္သားေတြနဲ႔ ဆႏၵျပသမာေတြဟာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈရဲ႕သားေကာင္ေတြ ျဖစ္သြားႏုိင္ပါတယ္” ရွပ္နီေတြဟာ လက္နက္ကုိင္သူေတြနဲ႔ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနတာ၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ သူတုိ႔ အထဲကုိ ထုိးေဖာက္၀င္ေနတာ ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္မယ္လုိ႔ အစုိးရက ယုံေနပါတယ္။Thailand on Sunday marked the 83rd birthday of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the world's longest-reigning monarch, but elaborate celebrations could not mask concern over his health and the future of the royal institution.
In his annual birthday speech, the king sounded what has become a routine, general call for unity and hard work to keep the country happy and prosperous in the face of the sometimes violent political conflict it has endured in recent years.
Thousands of flag-waving citizens cheered his car's journey to the ceremonial Grand Palace from Siriraj Hospital, where he was admitted in September 2009 with a lung inflammation. There has been no detailed explanation of his extended hospitalization. The king's health is a matter of immense public concern, both because he is widely admired and because he is regarded as a unifying figure in times of national crisis.
Shouts of "Long live the king" rang out as he entered the hospital lobby in a motorized wheelchair and headed to board a van, in which Queen Sirikit also sat.
On sidewalks close to the hospital, the crowd was five or six deep, with those immediately along the street kneeling reverentially. Police and soldiers lined the entire route for the 12-minute journey through Bangkok.
Massive ceremonies were held later in the day, as on past occasions honoring the king. They included a candle-lighting show of devotion led by the prime minister, fireworks, the release of thousands of small hot-air balloons and a nighttime boat procession on Bangkok's Chao Phraya river.
Speaking briefly in a slow and rasping voice to dignitaries at the Grand Palace, the king urged people to be clear about their duties and carry them out to the best of their ability.
He called for them to perform "justly and firmly, doing your duties correctly in an appropriate manner, for the security of the country and its benefit." The annual birthday speech has for several years been the main forum for the king to present his ideas directly to the public.
Bhumibol's near-disappearance from public life has coincided with a period of political instability after a 2006 military coup against Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra polarized the country. The king has been unable or unwilling to play his traditional mediating role to ease the conflict.
Defenders of the status quo, including the current government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, say the monarchy is under attack by radicals who wish to undermine its authority and prestige, or even abolish it. While serious opponents of the royal institution are a tiny minority -- and liable to long jail terms if they speak publicly -- the past few years have seen unprecedented questioning of the monarchy.
Traditionally, the palace managed to stay aloof from the parry and thrust of politics, its influence exercised behind the scenes or only in extreme cases where a crisis posed an immediate threat to the kingdom's peace and stability.
However, the 2006 coup ousting Thaksin opened a political and social schism that has still not healed. Thaksin had been popularly elected in landslide victories, but his critics accused him of corruption and disrespect to the crown.
His supporters say he was toppled at the behest of a Bangkok-oriented elite, with elements of the palace and the military playing key roles because they felt their power and influence were threatened by Thaksin's popularity, which was greatest among the country's poor rural majority that benefited from his populist policies.
The polarization became greater as gestures made by the king's top aides and even Queen Sirikit seemed to give a nod of approval to Thaksin's opponents, including "Yellow Shirt" protesters who in 2008 occupied the prime minister's office for three months and took over Bangkok's two airports for a week. Their protests were aimed at ousting two successive pro-Thaksin prime ministers.
As the crisis deepened, the health of the king began to decline, and he sharply curtailed his public appearances. That has intensified long-standing concern about the royal succession, though it is still not acceptable as a matter for public debate.
The heir apparent, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, does not yet have the stature or moral authority of his father, who has been on the throne for more than 64 years.
At Sunday's Grand Palace ceremony, the 58-year-old prince was the first of several dignitaries -- including the prime minister and the heads of Parliament and the military -- to offer birthday wishes to the king.
"On this occasion, I would like to promise that I will carry out my tasks appropriately according to my status and my duties, based on reason and rationality in order to maintain the Chakri Dynasty's honor and the prosperity and security of the country," the prince said.
၂၀၁၀ ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၇ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ က်င္းပမည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း ေတာင္ ဥကၠလာပ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ မဲဆႏၵနယ္မွ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေနရာအတြက္ ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ အေရြးခံၾကမည့္
တသီးပုဂၢလ အမတ္ေလာင္း ကိုေကာင္းျမင့္ထြဋ္ (၃၅ ႏွစ္)(ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္း) ႏွင့္
နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ရန္ကုန္ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္၀န္ ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္း(၅၃ႏွစ္) ျပည္ေထာင္စု ႀကံ့ခိုင္ေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးပါတီ (ႀကံ့ဖြံ႕ပါတီ) တို႕၏ပံု။
ကိုေကာင္းျမင့္ထြဋ္သည္ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လူထုအံုၾကြမႈႀကီးတြင္ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့မႈေၾကာင့္ အသက္ ၁၃ ႏွစ္ အရြယ္တြင္ အဖမ္း ခံခဲ့ရသူျဖစ္သည္။ ၎သည္ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ ႏွင့္ ၁၉၉၀ ခုႏွစ္အၾကားတြင္ သံုးႀကိမ္ဆက္တိုက္ အဖမ္းခံခဲ့ရၿပီး ၁၉၉၁ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၆ ႏွစ္ ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ရသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
လက္ရွိတြင္ဗီဒီယိုထုတ္လုပ္သူတဦးျဖစ္သည့္ ကိုေကာင္းျမင့္ထြြဋ္သည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ မတ္လတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီမ်ား မွတ္ပံုတင္ရန္ ခြင့္ျပဳ ခဲ့စဥ္က ျမန္မာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ကြန္ဂရက္အမည္ျဖင့္ ပါတီတည္ေထာင္ရန္ အားထုတ္ခဲ့ဖူးသည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ ဘ႑ာေငြႏွင့္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ေကာ္မရွင္က ျပဌာန္းထားေသာ စည္းကမ္းခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္အညီ ပါတီ၀င္ စုေဆာင္းရာ၌ အခက္ အခဲမ်ားရိွေသာေၾကာင့္ ပါတီတည္ေထာင္မည့္ အစီအစဥ္ မျဖစ္ခဲ့ဟု သိရသည္။
“ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းေျပာရရင္ အခုေရြးေကာက္ပြဲက က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမင္ေတြ႔လိုတဲ့ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ျဖစ္လာ လိမ့္မယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ မယံုၾကည္ပါဘူး”ဟု ကိုေကာင္းျမင့္ထြဋ္ က ဆိုသည္ဟု www.irrawaddy.org/တြင္ေဖၚျပပါရွိ သည္။ “ဒါေပမယ့္ ျပည္ခိုင္ၿဖိဳးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ တစည(တိုင္းရင္းသား စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္ေရး) ပါတီက စစ္အရာရိွေဟာင္း ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေတြအစား အစားထိုးေရြးခ်ယ္စရာတခုေတာ့ လူထုကို ေပးသင့္တယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ထင္တယ္”ဟုလည္း ၎က ဆက္ေျပာသည္။
ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္း၏ ေနာက္ခံသမိုင္းေၾကာင္းမွာမူ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဗိုလ္မႉးျဖစ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ခမရ ၁၀၁ ၏ တပ္ရင္းမႉးျဖစ္လာခဲ့သည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ စက္မႈ (၂) ဒု ၀န္ႀကီးျဖစ္လာကာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀကံ့ခိုင္ေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအသင္း(ႀကံ့ဖြ႔ံ) ၏ အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္တဦး လည္း ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္ဟု သိရသည္။ ႀကံ့ဖြ႔ံအသင္းကို ဧၿပီလ တြင္ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႕ပါတီ အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းခဲ့သည္။ ဦးအာင္သိန္းလင္း သည္ ၂၀၀၃ ခုႏွစ္၌ ရန္ကုန္ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္၀န္ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့သည္။ ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္းသည္ အစိုးရရာထူး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ပိုင္ ပစၥည္း၊ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ပိုင္ မီဒီယာ ကို မဲဆြယ္ပြဲအတြက္ အသံုးျပဳႏိုင္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ယင္းမဲဆႏၵနယ္ေျမတြင္ တျခားကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားထက္ အဆမတန္ အသာစီး ရ ေနသည္ ဟုလည္း သိရသည္။
၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအတြက္ စည္ပင္သာယာေရး အရာ႐ွိႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားအား မဲဆြယ္စည္း႐ံုးေဟာေျပာမႈကို ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္၀န္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္သိန္းလင္းမွ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ခန္းမ စည္ပင္သာယာေရးေကာ္မတီ ႐ံုးတြင္းတြင္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ၄င္းမဲဆြယ္ စည္း႐ံုးေဟာေျပာပြဲတြင္ ေျပာၾကားသြားေသာ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္၀န္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္သိန္းလင္း၏ စကားမ်ားမွာ ေအာက္ပါ အတိုင္းျဖစ္သည္။
`` ဒီေန႔ စည္ပင္႐ံုးမွာ ႐ွိၾကတဲ့ အရာ႐ွိေတြနဲ႔ ၀န္ထမ္းအားလံုးကို က်ဳပ္ေျပာမယ္။ အခုလာမယ့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ ဘယ္သူ႔ကို မဲထည့္ရမယ္ဆိုတာ သိၾကလား´´ (မည္သူမွ မေျဖဆိုပါ) `` ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ သိၾကလား။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔အားလံုး ျခေသၤ့ကို မဲထည့္ရမယ္။ ျခေသၤ့ကို မဲထည့္မွ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ရဲ႕ မိန္းမေတြ၊ သားသမီးေဆြမ်ိဳးေတြ ေကာင္းစားမယ္။ ဘယ္သူ႔ကို ထည့္မွာလဲ ျခေသၤ့နဲ႔ ခြပ္ေဒါင္း ဘယ္သူ႔ကို ထည့္မွာလဲ´´ (မည္သူမွ မေျဖဆိုပါ) `` ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ ျခေသၤ့နဲ႔ ေဒါင္းမွာ ျခေသၤ့ကိုပဲ မဲထည့္ရမယ္။ မေသမခ်င္း မွတ္ထားၾကပါ။ ဒီေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ ျခေသၤ့ကို မဲမထည့္လို႔ ဟိုေကာင္မ ႏိုင္သြားရင္ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ ဘာျဖစ္သြားမလဲ သိလား´´ ( ၄င္းမွ အမ်ိဳးသမီး၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားကို အစည္းအေ၀းခန္းျပင္သို႔ ထြက္ခိုင္းသည္။) ထို႔ေနာက္ `` ေဒါင္းႏိုင္သြားရင္ ဒီကို အေမရိကန္ေကာင္ေတြ ေရာက္လာလိမ့္မယ္။ ၿပီးရင္ ဒီေကာင္ေတြက အလကားေနၾကမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ မေအေတြ၊ မိန္းမေတြ၊ ႏွမေတြ၊ သမီးေတြ တက္လုပ္ၾကမွာ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ အလုပ္ခံခ်င္ရင္ ေဒါင္းကို မဲေပးၾက က်ဳပ္ တစ္ခုထပ္ေျပာမယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ စည္ပင္ကလူေတြအားလံုး ျခေသၤ့ကို မဲမထည့္ရင္ ဘယ္လိုအေရးယူမလဲဆိုတာ ေတြ႕ရမယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔အားလံုး က်ဳပ္တို႔ကိုပဲ မဲထည့္ကို ထည့္ရမယ္။´´ ဒါကေတာ့ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္၀န္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္သိန္းလင္း၏ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားအား ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ အက်ပ္ကိုင္ေသာ စစ္အာဏာ႐ွင္ စကားပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ၄င္းမွ ထိုသို႔စကားေျပာၾကားေနစဥ္အတြင္း မည္သူတစ္ဦး တစ္ေယာက္ကမွ ျပန္လည္ေျဖၾကားသံ၊ ႐ွင္းလင္းတင္ျပသံတို႔ကို လံုး၀မၾကားရခဲ့ပါဟု အဆိုပါ အစည္းအေ၀းကို တတ္ေရာက္ခဲ့ေသာ စည္ပင္၀န္ထမ္းတစ္ဦးမွ ေျပာျပခဲ့ပါသည္။ (၄င္း ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္သိန္းလင္း၏ အစည္းအေ၀းအတြင္း စကားေျပာသံမ်ားကို အသံဖမ္းယူေပးခဲ့ေသာ စည္ပင္သာယာအေဆာက္အဦးဌာနမွ ၀န္ထမ္းအား အထူးပင္ေက်းဇူးတင္႐ွိပါသည္။) http://www.wanna23.com/
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲနီးကပ္လာသည္ႏွင့္အမွ် ႏိုင္ငံပိုင္သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္းႏွင့္ တျခားေသာ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႕ပါတီ ေခါင္း ေဆာင္မ်ားက ႏိုင္ငံပိုင္ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအား သြားေရာက္စစ္ေဆးေနသည့္ ဓာတ္ပံုမ်ားကို မၾကာခဏ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ ျပသေနသည့္အျပင္ ၎တို႔အား ႀကံ့ဖြံ႕ပါတီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားဟု မသံုးႏႈန္းဘဲ အစိုးရအရာရိွမ်ားအျဖစ္ ေဖၚျပေန သည္။ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ အတြင္း ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မႉး ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ ထြန္းသန္းႏွင့္အတူ ၎၏ မဲဆႏၵနယ္ေျမ အတြင္းရိွ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္း ဖြင့္ပြဲအခမ္းအနားသို႔ ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္း တက္ေရာက္ဖြင့္လွစ္ေပးသည့္ပံုကို ႏိုင္ငံပိုင္သတင္းစာ မ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။ “က်ေနာ္၀င္ၿပိဳင္မယ့္ အမတ္ေနရာမွာ ေသခ်ာေပါက္ အႏိုင္ရလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားပါတယ္”ဟု ႀကံ့ဖြံ႕ပါတီ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ တဦးျဖစ္သူ ဦးတင္ထြန္းဦး ထုတ္ေ၀ေသာ ျမန္မာတိုင္းမ္စ္ အပတ္စဥ္စာေစာင္၏ သတင္းေဆာင္းပါး တပုဒ္ တြင္ ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္းက ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။“ေတာင္ဥကၠလာပမွာ က်ေနာ္အႏုိင္ရတယ္ဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ့္ မဲဆႏၵနယ္အတြင္းမွာ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈေတြကို အရွိန္ျမွင့္ လုပ္ေဆာင္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တျခားေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ခံ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြလည္း အလားတူ လုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ယံုၾကည္ပါတယ္”ဟုလည္း ဦးေအာင္သိန္းလင္းက ယင္း ေဆာင္းပါး၌ ဆိုခဲ့သည္။
The Statement, dated October 30th, and with the Place mentioned as: Sane Lai Kan Thar, the name of the State Guest House: ‘from 13:00 to 13:55 Daw Aung San Su Kyi [ASSK] came to see Union Minister U Aung Kyi, as she was invited by the Government of the Republic of Myanmar’ was issued.
At the Meeting the discussion dwelled on the situation where ‘the State is providing necessary assistances [meaning Constitution Amendments, for example, I guess]; and, in order to have economic development views on the importance of freedom of trade, and free circulation of currencies were also discussed’. And also, ‘the progress of the State’s undertakings to obtain perpetual peace initiatives with ethnic armed groups and the people that should be included in the amnesty were discussed’. Meetings in the future shall convene is agreed.
Details of the entire Meeting were not disclosed, as usual. This is the fourth time such Meeting had taken place.
After the Third Meeting between the two factions the Statement mentioned that the President was considering Amnesty, to join hands in controlling the flow of the Irrawaddy River, to bring in into legal folds of the people who are undergoing armed rebellion; and peace and rule of law were discussed.
After meeting with Aung Kyi twice ASSK met the President Thein Sein in August in Naypyidor. Soon afterward, over 200 so-called political prisoners were released under Amnesty Order. So-called political prisoner because the Governing clique consistently mentioned there is no political prisoners in Myanmar though there are plenty. There is some truth in the government’s claim that there is no political prisoner because no one was arrested under political issues but rather on criminal charges - for example: currency law, or disturbing public tranquility, etc.
ASSK met with Aung Kyi nine times under the previous military government but there was no substantive result whatsoever came out.
The Government came into existence on January 31, 2011 under the caption of the Government of the Republic of Myanmar with its President elected by the Union Parliament, a former military officer General Thein Sein. Many opinionated this General is a Dove – a soft liner, and his Deputy President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo [Shit Loane], another ex-General is a Hawk – a hard liner; all baloney; they all are one liner, i.e. for the prosperity and welfare of the Armed Forces, meaning the top and upper echelon of the Army, under the guise of democracy.
New Guise needs, of course, new format and that new format is what the new government is formatting or formatted by the military junta before the State Power was transferred and implementing it as planned. Whether former SG Than Shwe is pulling the string from behind or is he still involved in day to day affairs are all irrelevant, though his State managed private office near Oatparta Thati Pagoda in Naypyidor is hooked with Online TV honing in onto the proceedings of the Union Parliament. He knows or he is privy to know who is behaving or misbehaving in the Union Parliament but whether he is watching the TV is something yet to be known or playing his favorite games.
The Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature were formed and on March 30th the State Power was transferred; the military junta SPDC was dissolved. The Ministry of Interior had given warnings to NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and Secretary ASSK in the last week of June to stop all its political activities as NLD is no political party according to the Party Registration Law of the Union Election Commission. The Ministry warning emphatically mentioned that NLD’s actions were intentionally motivated against the Law.
On top of that Union Election Commission had warned with a letter dated April 5th to all 37 Registered Political Parties not to communicate with illegal political entities. Presumably, political circles as well as diplomatic community considered the warning was directed towards NDL.
Though the new government’s changing color is visible it is still noticeably unruly. The disregards of public opinions as well as international barrages remain as the hallmark of the Thein Sein’s Administration.
Disregarding its own Ministry’s Order Thein Sein allowed Minister Aung Kyi to parley with ASSK and even invited her to Naypyidor and received her exclusively where all political leaders from the Registered Political Parties are treated shabbily at the same occasion.
The Constitution was amended proposed by the Union Election Commission regarding the Membership where criminals cannot be party members or a political entity cannot register if its members are serving criminals. That phrase has now been erased for the sake of NLD. That amendment had made eased NLD to avoid the issue of abandoning its own jailed members when and if they apply for Party Registration.
The antagonistic political ogres of Burma are, on the visual body politics, in cordial relationship. One is, up to recent past, enjoyed full support of China and now trying its best to veer off to get into the western orbit. The other ogre has, from the very beginning to present, receives consistent and absolute no-matter-what support from the western camp. It has four Radio stations providing overwhelming support in high volume of propaganda just for one person, viz. Radio Free Asia and Voice of America [two US outfits], BBC [British outfit], and Democratic Voice of Burma [EU outfit] beaming into Burma where people are socket in with one line to support, day in and day out, every day. This ogre is the western group’s horse of Burma and Thein Sein Administration wants to ride along with that horse to the winning post. Is consistent propping up necessitate a leader to become an icon? Yes, it is, at least in Burma, it has been proven!
Within a couple of days NLD will decide whether to register and the outcome is quite predictable: ‘if ASSK is promised to contest in the upcoming By-election then NLD will allow to Register by ASSK regardless of party or public opinion’. Does it mean: ‘if she is not allowed to contest in the upcoming By-election’ then NLD will not be permitted to register by ASSK? Quite likely so, as all the past behaviors indicated that: ‘person is superior to policy’, and the ‘party is dispensable’.
So far, there is no knowledge that the outcome of the Aung Kyi-Su Kyi Meeting had agreed whether ASSK will be allowed to contest in the election. If that is the case the amendment of the constitution will be a major issue. At the end of the day, one faction will sure to swallow the other like python. No on
e knows, which one will come out as the python and which one is Mai Dwe Lay.Maung Thar Kyaw
Taiwan, November 3, 2011.