အမတ္ေလာင္း ဇြ
ျမန္မာေမာ္ဒန္ေက်ာက္စာမ်ား
ေရးထိုးႏွစ္ ၂၀၁၀
ေမလ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႔ ရတ္ခ်ာဖရားဆြန္ လမ္းဆုံက ဆႏၵျပသမားေတြကုိ ၿဖိဳခဲြခဲ့တဲ့ အခင္းနဲ႕ ပါတ္သက္ပီးေတာ့ အစိုးရဖက္ အေရးအေပၚအေျခအေန ဆုံးျဖတ္ေရးဗဟုိဌာနကေတာ့ ဆႏၵျပသမားေတြနဲ႔ေရာေနတဲ့ လက္နက္ကုိင္ အၾကမ္း ဖက္သမားေတြကုိ အေရးယူေဆာင္ရြက္တာ လို႕ ဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ျပည္သူလူထုက အေရးယူေပးဖုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သင့္ေလ်ာ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖုိ႔လုိ တယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကေတ့ အစုိးရေပၚလစီအတုိင္း လုိက္နာရမွာျဖစ္တယ္” ရတ္ခ်ာဖရားဆြန္ လူထုစည္းေ၀းပဲြႀကီးေနရာကေန ထြက္သြားၾကဖုိ႔နဲ႔သၾကၤန္ပြဲေတာ္ကုိ မိမိတုိ႔ေနရပ္႒ာေနမွာ ဆင္ႏႊဲဖုိ႔ျပန္သြားသူေတြကုိလည္း ဒီေနရာကို ျပန္မလာၾကဖုိ႔ ဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီး Sansern က ရွပ္နီဆႏၵျပ သမား ေတြ ကုိ ေတာင္းဆုိ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ “ရတ္ခ်ာဖရားဆြန္ေနရာက မလုံၿခဳံဘူးဆုိတာ က်ေနာ္ေျပာပါရေစ၊ စစ္သားေတြနဲ႔ ဆႏၵျပသမာေတြဟာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈရဲ႕သားေကာင္ေတြ ျဖစ္သြားႏုိင္ပါတယ္” ရွပ္နီေတြဟာ လက္နက္ကုိင္သူေတြနဲ႔ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနတာ၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ သူတုိ႔ အထဲကုိ ထုိးေဖာက္၀င္ေနတာ ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္မယ္လုိ႔ အစုိးရက ယုံေနပါတယ္။Thailand on Sunday marked the 83rd birthday of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the world's longest-reigning monarch, but elaborate celebrations could not mask concern over his health and the future of the royal institution.
In his annual birthday speech, the king sounded what has become a routine, general call for unity and hard work to keep the country happy and prosperous in the face of the sometimes violent political conflict it has endured in recent years.
Thousands of flag-waving citizens cheered his car's journey to the ceremonial Grand Palace from Siriraj Hospital, where he was admitted in September 2009 with a lung inflammation. There has been no detailed explanation of his extended hospitalization. The king's health is a matter of immense public concern, both because he is widely admired and because he is regarded as a unifying figure in times of national crisis.
Shouts of "Long live the king" rang out as he entered the hospital lobby in a motorized wheelchair and headed to board a van, in which Queen Sirikit also sat.
On sidewalks close to the hospital, the crowd was five or six deep, with those immediately along the street kneeling reverentially. Police and soldiers lined the entire route for the 12-minute journey through Bangkok.
Massive ceremonies were held later in the day, as on past occasions honoring the king. They included a candle-lighting show of devotion led by the prime minister, fireworks, the release of thousands of small hot-air balloons and a nighttime boat procession on Bangkok's Chao Phraya river.
Speaking briefly in a slow and rasping voice to dignitaries at the Grand Palace, the king urged people to be clear about their duties and carry them out to the best of their ability.
He called for them to perform "justly and firmly, doing your duties correctly in an appropriate manner, for the security of the country and its benefit." The annual birthday speech has for several years been the main forum for the king to present his ideas directly to the public.
Bhumibol's near-disappearance from public life has coincided with a period of political instability after a 2006 military coup against Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra polarized the country. The king has been unable or unwilling to play his traditional mediating role to ease the conflict.
Defenders of the status quo, including the current government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, say the monarchy is under attack by radicals who wish to undermine its authority and prestige, or even abolish it. While serious opponents of the royal institution are a tiny minority -- and liable to long jail terms if they speak publicly -- the past few years have seen unprecedented questioning of the monarchy.
Traditionally, the palace managed to stay aloof from the parry and thrust of politics, its influence exercised behind the scenes or only in extreme cases where a crisis posed an immediate threat to the kingdom's peace and stability.
However, the 2006 coup ousting Thaksin opened a political and social schism that has still not healed. Thaksin had been popularly elected in landslide victories, but his critics accused him of corruption and disrespect to the crown.
His supporters say he was toppled at the behest of a Bangkok-oriented elite, with elements of the palace and the military playing key roles because they felt their power and influence were threatened by Thaksin's popularity, which was greatest among the country's poor rural majority that benefited from his populist policies.
The polarization became greater as gestures made by the king's top aides and even Queen Sirikit seemed to give a nod of approval to Thaksin's opponents, including "Yellow Shirt" protesters who in 2008 occupied the prime minister's office for three months and took over Bangkok's two airports for a week. Their protests were aimed at ousting two successive pro-Thaksin prime ministers.
As the crisis deepened, the health of the king began to decline, and he sharply curtailed his public appearances. That has intensified long-standing concern about the royal succession, though it is still not acceptable as a matter for public debate.
The heir apparent, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, does not yet have the stature or moral authority of his father, who has been on the throne for more than 64 years.
At Sunday's Grand Palace ceremony, the 58-year-old prince was the first of several dignitaries -- including the prime minister and the heads of Parliament and the military -- to offer birthday wishes to the king.
"On this occasion, I would like to promise that I will carry out my tasks appropriately according to my status and my duties, based on reason and rationality in order to maintain the Chakri Dynasty's honor and the prosperity and security of the country," the prince said.
The Statement, dated October 30th, and with the Place mentioned as: Sane Lai Kan Thar, the name of the State Guest House: ‘from 13:00 to 13:55 Daw Aung San Su Kyi [ASSK] came to see Union Minister U Aung Kyi, as she was invited by the Government of the Republic of Myanmar’ was issued.
At the Meeting the discussion dwelled on the situation where ‘the State is providing necessary assistances [meaning Constitution Amendments, for example, I guess]; and, in order to have economic development views on the importance of freedom of trade, and free circulation of currencies were also discussed’. And also, ‘the progress of the State’s undertakings to obtain perpetual peace initiatives with ethnic armed groups and the people that should be included in the amnesty were discussed’. Meetings in the future shall convene is agreed.
Details of the entire Meeting were not disclosed, as usual. This is the fourth time such Meeting had taken place.
After the Third Meeting between the two factions the Statement mentioned that the President was considering Amnesty, to join hands in controlling the flow of the Irrawaddy River, to bring in into legal folds of the people who are undergoing armed rebellion; and peace and rule of law were discussed.
After meeting with Aung Kyi twice ASSK met the President Thein Sein in August in Naypyidor. Soon afterward, over 200 so-called political prisoners were released under Amnesty Order. So-called political prisoner because the Governing clique consistently mentioned there is no political prisoners in Myanmar though there are plenty. There is some truth in the government’s claim that there is no political prisoner because no one was arrested under political issues but rather on criminal charges - for example: currency law, or disturbing public tranquility, etc.
ASSK met with Aung Kyi nine times under the previous military government but there was no substantive result whatsoever came out.
The Government came into existence on January 31, 2011 under the caption of the Government of the Republic of Myanmar with its President elected by the Union Parliament, a former military officer General Thein Sein. Many opinionated this General is a Dove – a soft liner, and his Deputy President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo [Shit Loane], another ex-General is a Hawk – a hard liner; all baloney; they all are one liner, i.e. for the prosperity and welfare of the Armed Forces, meaning the top and upper echelon of the Army, under the guise of democracy.
New Guise needs, of course, new format and that new format is what the new government is formatting or formatted by the military junta before the State Power was transferred and implementing it as planned. Whether former SG Than Shwe is pulling the string from behind or is he still involved in day to day affairs are all irrelevant, though his State managed private office near Oatparta Thati Pagoda in Naypyidor is hooked with Online TV honing in onto the proceedings of the Union Parliament. He knows or he is privy to know who is behaving or misbehaving in the Union Parliament but whether he is watching the TV is something yet to be known or playing his favorite games.
The Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature were formed and on March 30th the State Power was transferred; the military junta SPDC was dissolved. The Ministry of Interior had given warnings to NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and Secretary ASSK in the last week of June to stop all its political activities as NLD is no political party according to the Party Registration Law of the Union Election Commission. The Ministry warning emphatically mentioned that NLD’s actions were intentionally motivated against the Law.
On top of that Union Election Commission had warned with a letter dated April 5th to all 37 Registered Political Parties not to communicate with illegal political entities. Presumably, political circles as well as diplomatic community considered the warning was directed towards NDL.
Though the new government’s changing color is visible it is still noticeably unruly. The disregards of public opinions as well as international barrages remain as the hallmark of the Thein Sein’s Administration.
Disregarding its own Ministry’s Order Thein Sein allowed Minister Aung Kyi to parley with ASSK and even invited her to Naypyidor and received her exclusively where all political leaders from the Registered Political Parties are treated shabbily at the same occasion.
The Constitution was amended proposed by the Union Election Commission regarding the Membership where criminals cannot be party members or a political entity cannot register if its members are serving criminals. That phrase has now been erased for the sake of NLD. That amendment had made eased NLD to avoid the issue of abandoning its own jailed members when and if they apply for Party Registration.
The antagonistic political ogres of Burma are, on the visual body politics, in cordial relationship. One is, up to recent past, enjoyed full support of China and now trying its best to veer off to get into the western orbit. The other ogre has, from the very beginning to present, receives consistent and absolute no-matter-what support from the western camp. It has four Radio stations providing overwhelming support in high volume of propaganda just for one person, viz. Radio Free Asia and Voice of America [two US outfits], BBC [British outfit], and Democratic Voice of Burma [EU outfit] beaming into Burma where people are socket in with one line to support, day in and day out, every day. This ogre is the western group’s horse of Burma and Thein Sein Administration wants to ride along with that horse to the winning post. Is consistent propping up necessitate a leader to become an icon? Yes, it is, at least in Burma, it has been proven!
Within a couple of days NLD will decide whether to register and the outcome is quite predictable: ‘if ASSK is promised to contest in the upcoming By-election then NLD will allow to Register by ASSK regardless of party or public opinion’. Does it mean: ‘if she is not allowed to contest in the upcoming By-election’ then NLD will not be permitted to register by ASSK? Quite likely so, as all the past behaviors indicated that: ‘person is superior to policy’, and the ‘party is dispensable’.
So far, there is no knowledge that the outcome of the Aung Kyi-Su Kyi Meeting had agreed whether ASSK will be allowed to contest in the election. If that is the case the amendment of the constitution will be a major issue. At the end of the day, one faction will sure to swallow the other like python. No on
e knows, which one will come out as the python and which one is Mai Dwe Lay.Maung Thar Kyaw
Taiwan, November 3, 2011.