12/07/2013

Nelson Mandela, 20th century colossus, dies at 95



South African President Jacob Zuma made the announcement at a news conference late on Thursday, saying "we've lost our greatest son."
JOHANNESBURG — Nelson Mandela, who became one of the world's most beloved statesmen and a colossus of the 20th century when he emerged from 27 years in prison to negotiate an end to white minority rule in South Africa, has died. He was 95.
South African President Jacob Zuma made the announcement at a news conference late Thursday, saying "we've lost our greatest son."
His death closed the final chapter in South Africa's struggle to cast off apartheid, leaving the world with indelible memories of a man of astonishing grace and good humor. Rock concerts celebrated his birthday. Hollywood stars glorified him on screen. And his regal bearing, graying hair and raspy voice made him instantly recognizable across the globe.
As South Africa's first black president, the ex-boxer, lawyer and prisoner No. 46664 paved the way to racial reconciliation with well-chosen gestures of forgiveness. He lunched with the prosecutor who sent him to jail, sang the apartheid-era Afrikaans anthem at his inauguration, and traveled hundreds of miles to have tea with the widow of Hendrik Verwoerd, the prime minister at the time he was imprisoned.
Mandela is accompanied by his former wife Winnie, moments after his release from prison in this February 11, 1990 file photo.
His most memorable gesture came when he strode onto the field before the 1995 Rugby World Cup final in Johannesburg. When he came on the field in South African colors to congratulate the victorious South African team, he brought the overwhelmingly white crowd of 63,000 to its feet, chanting "Nelson! Nelson! Nelson!"
For he had marched headlong into a bastion of white Afrikanerdom — the temple of South African rugby — and made its followers feel they belonged in the new South Africa. At the same time, Mandela was himself uneasy with the idea of being an icon and he did not escape criticism as an individual and a politician, though mugch of it was muted by his status as a unassailable symbol of decency and principle. As president, he failed to craft a lasting formula for overcoming South Africa's biggest post-apartheid problems, including one of the world's widest gaps between rich and poor. In his writings, he pondered the heavy cost to his family of his decision to devote himself to the struggle against apartheid.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U_DgKVKFRGg 
 
He had been convicted of treason and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1964 for leading a campaign of sabotage against the government, and sent to the notorious Robben Island prison. It was forbidden to quote him or publish his photo, yet he and other jailed members of his banned African National Congress were able to smuggle out messages of guidance to the anti-apartheid crusade. As time passed — the "long, lonely, wasted years," as he termed them — international awareness of apartheid grew more acute. By the time Mandela turned 70 he was the world's most famous political prisoner. Such were his mental reserves, though, that he turned down conditional offers of freedom from his apartheid jailers and even found a way to benefit from confinement. "People tend to measure themselves by external accomplishments, but jail allows a person to focus on internal ones; such as honesty, sincerity, simplicity, humility, generosity and an absence of variety," Mandela says in one of the many quotations displayed at the Apartheid Museum in Johannesburg. "You learn to look into yourself."
Thousands died, were tortured and were imprisoned in the decades-long struggle against apartheid, so that when Mandela emerged from prison in 1990, smiling and waving to the crowds, the image became an international icon of freedom to rival the fall of the Berlin Wall. South Africa's white rulers had portrayed Mandela as the spearhead of a communist revolution and insisted that black majority rule would usher in the chaos and bloodshed that had beset many other African countries as they shook off colonial rule. Yet since apartheid ended, South Africa has held four parliamentary elections and elected three presidents, always peacefully, setting an example on a continent where democracy is still new and fragile. Its democracy has flaws, and the African National Congress has struggled to deliver on promises. It is a front runner ahead of 2014 elections, but corruption scandals and other missteps have undercut some of the promise of earlier years. "We have confounded the prophets of doom and achieved a bloodless revolution. We have restored the dignity of every South African," Mandela said shortly before stepping down as president in 1999 at age 80.
Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela was born July 18, 1918, the son of a tribal chief in Transkei, one of the future "Bantustans," independent republics set up by the apartheid regime to cement the separation of whites and blacks. Mandela's royal upbringing gave him a dignified bearing that became his hallmark. Many South Africans of all races would later call him by his clan name, Madiba, as a token of affection and respect. Growing up at a time when virtually all of Africa was under European colonial rule, Mandela attended Methodist schools before being admitted to the black University of Fort Hare in 1938. He was expelled two years later for his role in a student strike. He moved to Johannesburg and worked as a policeman at a gold mine, boxed as an amateur heavyweight and studied law.  His first wife, nurse Evelyn Mase, bore him four children. A daughter died in infancy, a son was killed in a car crash in 1970 and another son died of AIDS in 2005. The couple divorced in 1957 and Evelyn died in 2004. Mandela began his rise through the anti-apartheid movement in 1944, when he helped form the ANC Youth League.
He organized a campaign in 1952 to encourage defiance of laws that segregated schools, marriage, housing and job opportunities. The government retaliated by barring him from attending gatherings and leaving Johannesburg, the first of many "banning" orders he was to endure. After a two-day nationwide strike was crushed by police, he and a small group of ANC colleagues decided on military action and Mandela pushed to form the movement's guerrilla wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, or Spear of the Nation. He was arrested in 1962 and sentenced to five years' hard labor for leaving the country illegally and inciting blacks to strike. A year later, police uncovered the ANC's underground headquarters on a farm near Johannesburg and seized documents outlining plans for a guerrilla campaign. At a time when African colonies were one by one becoming independent states, Mandela and seven co-defendants were sentenced to life in prison. "I do not deny that I planned sabotage," he told the court. "I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after years of tyranny, exploitation and oppression of my people by whites."
The ANC's armed wing was later involved in a series of high-profile bombings that killed civilians, and many in the white minority viewed the imprisoned Mandela as a terrorist. Up until 2008, when President George W. Bush rescinded the order, he could not visit the U.S. without a waiver from the secretary of state certifying he was not a terrorist. From the late 1960s South Africa gradually became an international pariah, expelled from the U.N., banned from the Olympics. In 1973 Mandela refused a government offer of release on condition he agree to confine himself to his native Transkei. In 1982 he and other top ANC inmates were moved off Robben Island to a mainland prison. Three years later Mandela was again offered freedom, and again he refused unless segregation laws were scrapped and the government negotiated with the ANC.
In 1989, F.W. de Klerk became president. This Afrikaner recognized the end was near for white-ruled South Africa. Mandela, for his part, continued, even in his last weeks in prison, to advocate nationalizing banks, mines and monopoly industries — a stance that frightened the white business community. But talks were already underway, with Mandela being spirited out of prison to meet a white Cabinet minister. On Feb. 11, 1990, inmate No. 46664, who had once been refused permission to leave prison for his mother's funeral, went free and walked hand-in-hand with Winnie, his wife. Blacks across the country erupted in joy — as did many whites. Mandela took charge of the ANC, shared the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize with de Klerk and was elected president by a landslide in South Africa's first all-race election the following year.
At his inauguration, he stood hand on heart, saluted by white generals as he sang along to two anthems: the apartheid-era Afrikaans "Die Stem," ("The Voice") and the African "Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika" ("Lord Bless Africa"). To black South Africans expecting a speedy new deal, Mandela pleaded for patience. The millions denied proper housing, schools and health care under apartheid had expected the revolution to deliver quick fixes, but Mandela recognized he had to embrace free market policies to keep white-dominated big business on his side and attract foreign investment. For all his saintly image, Mandela had an autocratic streak. When black journalists mildly criticized his government, he painted them as stooges of the whites who owned the media. Whites with complaints were dismissed as pining for their old privileges.
He denounced Bush as a warmonger and the U.S. having "committed unspeakable atrocities in the world." When asked about his closeness to Fidel Castro and Moammar Gadhafi despite human rights violations in the countries they ruled, Mandela explained that he wouldn't forsake supporters of the anti-apartheid struggle. With his fellow Nobelist, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, he set up the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which allowed human rights offenders of all races to admit their crimes publicly in return for lenient treatment. It proved to be a kind of national therapy that would become a model for other countries emerging from prolonged strife. He increasingly left the governing to Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, who took over when Mandela's term ended in June 1999 and he declined to seek another — a rarity among African presidents. "I must step down while there are one or two people who admire me," Mandela joked at the time. When he retired, he said he was going to stand on a street with a sign that said: "Unemployed, no job. New wife and large family to support."
His marriage to Winnie had fallen apart after his release and he was now married to Graca Machel, the widowed former first lady of neighboring Mozambique. He is survived by Machel; his daughter Makaziwe by his first marriage, and daughters Zindzi and Zenani by his second.
Donna Bryson, former AP bureau chief in Johannesburg, contributed to this report. Marcus Eliason has worked for the AP in South Africa and is now stationed in New York.

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PALI ZI. CHAU’ CHE’ PALI OU: GYI PALI ZI. NJAN: HSIN

PALI ZI. CHAU’ CHE’  PALI OU: GYI  PALI ZI. NJAN: HSIN
[Stuff and nonsense – lies] [Wheeler, one who deceives in an endearing way] [Using deceits as scaffolding]

Maung Thar Kyaw

The Statement, dated October 30th, and with the Place mentioned as: Sane Lai Kan Thar, the name of the State Guest House: ‘from 13:00 to 13:55 Daw Aung San Su Kyi [ASSK] came to see Union Minister U Aung Kyi, as she was invited by the Government of the Republic of Myanmar’ was issued.

At the Meeting the discussion dwelled on the situation where ‘the State is providing necessary assistances [meaning Constitution Amendments, for example, I guess]; and, in order to have economic development views on the importance of freedom of trade, and free circulation of currencies were also discussed’. And also, ‘the progress of the State’s undertakings to obtain perpetual peace initiatives with ethnic armed groups and the people that should be included in the amnesty were discussed’. Meetings in the future shall convene is agreed.

Details of the entire Meeting were not disclosed, as usual. This is the fourth time such Meeting had taken place.

After the Third Meeting between the two factions the Statement mentioned that the President was considering Amnesty, to join hands in controlling the flow of the Irrawaddy River, to bring in into legal folds of the people who are undergoing armed rebellion; and peace and rule of law were discussed.

After meeting with Aung Kyi twice ASSK met the President Thein Sein in August in Naypyidor. Soon afterward, over 200 so-called political prisoners were released under Amnesty Order. So-called political prisoner because the Governing clique consistently mentioned there is no political prisoners in Myanmar though there are plenty. There is some truth in the government’s claim that there is no political prisoner because no one was arrested under political issues but rather on criminal charges - for example: currency law, or disturbing public tranquility, etc.

ASSK met with Aung Kyi nine times under the previous military government but there was no substantive result whatsoever came out.

The Government came into existence on January 31, 2011 under the caption of the Government of the Republic of Myanmar with its President elected by the Union Parliament, a former military officer General Thein Sein. Many opinionated this General is a Dove – a soft liner, and his Deputy President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo [Shit Loane], another ex-General is a Hawk – a hard liner; all baloney; they all are one liner, i.e. for the prosperity and welfare of the Armed Forces, meaning the top and upper echelon of the Army, under the guise of democracy.

New Guise needs, of course, new format and that new format is what the new government is formatting or formatted by the military junta before the State Power was transferred and implementing it as planned. Whether former SG Than Shwe is pulling the string from behind or is he still involved in day to day affairs are all irrelevant, though his State managed private office near Oatparta Thati Pagoda in Naypyidor is hooked with Online TV honing in onto the proceedings of the Union Parliament. He knows or he is privy to know who is behaving or misbehaving in the Union Parliament but whether he is watching the TV is something yet to be known or playing his favorite games.

The Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature were formed and on March 30th the State Power was transferred; the military junta SPDC was dissolved. The Ministry of Interior had given warnings to NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and Secretary ASSK in the last week of June to stop all its political activities as NLD is no political party according to the Party Registration Law of the Union Election Commission. The Ministry warning emphatically mentioned that NLD’s actions were intentionally motivated against the Law.

On top of that Union Election Commission had warned with a letter dated April 5th to all 37 Registered Political Parties not to communicate with illegal political entities. Presumably, political circles as well as diplomatic community considered the warning was directed towards NDL.

Though the new government’s changing color is visible it is still noticeably unruly. The disregards of public opinions as well as international barrages remain as the hallmark of the Thein Sein’s Administration.

Disregarding its own Ministry’s Order Thein Sein allowed Minister Aung Kyi to parley with ASSK and even invited her to Naypyidor and received her exclusively where all political leaders from the Registered Political Parties are treated shabbily at the same occasion.

The Constitution was amended proposed by the Union Election Commission regarding the Membership where criminals cannot be party members or a political entity cannot register if its members are serving criminals. That phrase has now been erased for the sake of NLD. That amendment had made eased NLD to avoid the issue of abandoning its own jailed members when and if they apply for Party Registration.

The antagonistic political ogres of Burma are, on the visual body politics, in cordial relationship. One is, up to recent past, enjoyed full support of China and now trying its best to veer off to get into the western orbit. The other ogre has, from the very beginning to present, receives consistent and absolute no-matter-what support from the western camp. It has four Radio stations providing overwhelming support in high volume of propaganda just for one person, viz. Radio Free Asia and Voice of America [two US outfits], BBC [British outfit], and Democratic Voice of Burma [EU outfit] beaming into Burma where people are socket in with one line to support, day in and day out, every day. This ogre is the western group’s horse of Burma and Thein Sein Administration wants to ride along with that horse to the winning post. Is consistent propping up necessitate a leader to become an icon? Yes, it is, at least in Burma, it has been proven!

Within a couple of days NLD will decide whether to register and the outcome is quite predictable: ‘if ASSK is promised to contest in the upcoming By-election then NLD will allow to Register by ASSK regardless of party or public opinion’. Does it mean: ‘if she is not allowed to contest in the upcoming By-election’ then NLD will not be permitted to register by ASSK? Quite likely so, as all the past behaviors indicated that: ‘person is superior to policy’, and the ‘party is dispensable’.

So far, there is no knowledge that the outcome of the Aung Kyi-Su Kyi Meeting had agreed whether ASSK will be allowed to contest in the election. If that is the case the amendment of the constitution will be a major issue. At the end of the day, one faction will sure to swallow the other like python. No on

e knows, which one will come out as the python and which one is Mai Dwe Lay.

Maung Thar Kyaw

Taiwan, November 3, 2011.



OUR COUNTRY -----

Burmese society is unique. With extended family system Burmese are laid back, or rather happy go lucky.
Sayar-Dagar relationship, or, the bond between the Sanghas and laymen is deep rooted and has been part of the culture from the time immemorial.

Elderly people spend time at pagodas or the monasteries sharing merits or family gossip, or whatever, and, that is how, unlike the Western society, members of the Burmese society do not need much of psychiatrists’ assistance.

Quiet time, alone, communicating with the Lord Buddha is part and parcel of our heritage we all enjoy tremendously. Visiting pagodas had never needed permission from the authorities.

see all

http://uk.geocities.com/kabarmakyay/Our_Country.pdf

Are these happening in Burma!

As long as one enriches him/her-self in the decadences the sky is the limit, as the junta would not bother them, that’s the saying goes in present context of Burma.
Thinzar Win, a Model, could do pretty well on Catwalk and other walks such as Burmanization of Bikini, for example. Just kicked off the blouse and the jeans and leave only bra and the underwear, that becomes Bikini, as simple as that. Look!



Here she is, Thinzar Win, on the right.

Could you still think you are looking at Burmese girls who are posting for this photo in Rangoon? If you think the junta is to be blamed for all decadent aspects, then, your thinking may be inconclusive.

Shwedarling.com, a website for dating and mating prevails in today’s Burma. In 1988 no one could dream that Burma would be at this stage today but it has advanced so fast and so vast.

Infested with nouveau riche in the ngathalau’ economy decadences are abound; instead of tea break at usual hour at or around 4:00 PM now the nouveau riche have new past time at 3:30 PM or so – “Time to squeeze Pau’ Si” at Karaoke bars that are mushrooming through out Burma!

Junta’s policies may have pushed urbanites to that corner but it is just a plain excuse. Getting along by going along is a sin, by all means.

Here is another exhibit to think of!

Moe Hay Ko, another Model, good at Catwalk as well as other walks – bed walk [?] smooching somewhere in the quiet corner!

These girls really have come out of Burmese cocoon – hi ri. u’ ta’ pa. [Shame and fear of sinning] for sure.

Mind you dear reader – the decaying culture of the people is unfathomable, especially the urbanites, the sponsors of such decadences, and, contemplate what reforms would be needed for our beloved country. Mind you, the tiger would never change into vegetarian out of pity for animals!

Salamani Kantchalar!

Burma was under absolute monarchy from 1044 AD until 1885 AD and was under different dynasties. The Monarchs yearned to possess White Elephant; i.e. to claim as the Owner of the White Elephant or Sin Phyu Shin, or, if they have more than one White Elephant, then, Sin Phyu Myarr Shin!

One White Elephant-crazy king even commanded to retrieve a dead elephant floated down the river that had resemblances of White Elephant and kept in his palace and claimed he was the Sin Phuy Shin.

White Elephant is considered to represent the power and glory of the Owner and the White Elephant would appear, according to the myth, only if the Ruler of the country has strong Power and Glory.

Burma has dictators since 1962: viz. Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe; and, all of them seem to believe that they were the royalty somehow or other. The last dynasty, Koane Baung, ended with His Majesty King Thibaw. The prophecy had it that there would be 13 Koane Baung kings to reign Burma. Thibaw was the 11th and two more kings are yet to reign. Ne Win presumed he was the 12th Koane Baung King! Saw Maung seemed to have believed that he was the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and, Than Shwe believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun.

During Thar Lun Than Shwe’s reign, a White Elephant was sited in the jungle of Rakhine State. With pomp and pageantry the White Elephant was brought to Rangoon, the then Nay Pyi Daw and kept in the highly decorated pavilion that befits only to the royalty with special elephant guards, etc., so on and so forth. All the necessary arrangements were carried out by MI and its Chief Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty, though he never got to the top most spot of the junta’s ivory tower. The propaganda mill was fanning at high speed that the current rulers of Burma have highly auspicious power and glory so much so that the White Elephant was presented by the Nats [Resplendent being worthy of veneration].

Within a few months after the White Elephant had settled in at the newly built pavilion a Bangladeshi, or, to be more exact, a Chittagonian, or better known in Burma as Khortaw Kalar showed up at the Bangladeshi Embassy in Rangoon, claiming that the elephant at the Pavilion was his elephant that was herded away by the Burmese while grazing in the jungle and requested the Bangladeshi Ambassador to reclaim the elephant from the Burmese junta on his behalf. To cut the story short the Ambassador along with the Officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and MI officers went to the Pavilion with the Khortaw Kalar and demanded to prove his claim.

There, Khortaw Kalar stepped out and bellowed: Salamani Kantchalar!

At the very instant the ‘Command’ was heard the White Elephant lifted up his trunk and trumpeted a very loud noise. The ‘Command’ was given for the second time and the White Elephant responded in the same manner again. Then, Khortaw Kalar commanded in more Khortaw words: the White Elephant was under complete spell of commands – sitting, kneeling, etc. Now, the claim was proven to be true and the negotiation was but started. MI ended up paying US $ 100,000.00 from the State coffer as demanded by the Khortaw Kalar for the White Elephant that was supposed to have been presented by the Nats due to the power and glory of the rulers of Burma.

Khortaw did not stop then and there. He added there are four more such elephants in his possession and they were up for sale if the price is right. MI arranged a delegation to accompany the Khortaw to his native village in the no-man’s land between Bangladesh and Burma to inspect the so called White Elephants. There, the delegation found two more White Elephants out of the four and agreed to pay US$ 200,000 a piece.

Burmese delegation could not just take the two elephants away they bought; they need the Khortaw to release the two in the Rakhine jungle for them to herd them back to Burma later as though it was naturally sited. Thus, the usurper royalties of Burma got three White Elephants at a price of US $ 500,000.

Some one got excited regarding the Salamani Kantchalar and traced back how it came into existence! In the anal of Burma there was a time when a Shan Prince by the name of Sao Han Pha, better known as Tho Han Bwa reigned Burma. He was a tyrant by all means; conceited and insolent, and very much anti-Buddhist religion. During his rein many Monks were tortured, killed and extradited to far away places and forced them from learning Buddhist scripture. Tho Han Bwa was the Daman daye [impediment endangering the teachings of Buddha] of his time. Under Tho Han Bwa, some aspects of Buddhist incantations had changed; for example: Buddhan Tharanan Gitsarmi, Dhaman Tharanan Gitsarmi but Sanghan Tharanan was turned into Gunsarmi, and Buddhan Puzaymi, Dhaman Puzaymi, and Sangan had turned into Pu-Jail-mi, just like recent events under Daman daye Thar Lun Than Shwe.

Many Burmese fled to far away places, including Burma-Bangladesh border to fight back Tho Han Bwa and/or other tyrants. There, they deployed Khortaws to attend their elephants. Khortaws were taught to learn ‘Commands’ in Burmese but it was very difficult for the Khortaws to learn the necessary commands for the elephants. By virtue of wits a Burmese gave a ‘battle command or a battle cry’ for the elephants: “Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee”, in rhyme with the actual command. That, Khortaw could learn with not much difficulty. As the time woes on the command Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee had resonance into Salamani Kantchalar!

Ne Win who presumed to be the 12th Koane Baung, Saw Maung who presumed to be the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and the cagey sly fox Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty had all but ended badly. Now we have to see how Than Shwe who believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun ended? Is it to believe that those who sit on such chairs excrete such excreta?

As a matter of fact, the real Owner of the White Elephants or the Sin Phyu Myarr Shin actually was the Khortaw Kalar of Bangladesh!

By the way,
All the Usurpers,
Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe are mere “Suu Yauts”!


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