kabarmakyay: Conference on “Myanmar after the 2010 Elections”

1/29/2012

Conference on “Myanmar after the 2010 Elections”

Jointly organized by

Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC), CityU and

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), Germany

Date: 26 and 27 January 2012

Time: 9:00 am – 5:00pm

Venue: Multi-media Conference Room, City University of Hong Kong

This conference will focus on the surprising socio-political and economic changes have recently taken place in Myanmar in the wake of the 2010 elections and which have attracted world-wide attention. It will examine the prospect for further political liberalization in the context of the reforms that have already taken place.

(The Southeast Asia Research Centre organized a workshop on Problems with the National Reconciliation Process in Myanmar in 2009. The 2009 workshop examined Myanmar politics under the military rule. This 2012 conference can be considered a sequel to this earlier workshop.)

Speakers and Discussants

1. Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Associate Director of SEARC and Assistant Professor of AIS, CityU

2. Robert Taylor, Visiting Professional Fellow, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore

3. Ko Ko Hlaing, Presidential Adviser, Government of Myanmar

4. Thu Wai, Chairman, Democrat Party, Myanmar

5. Wa Wa Tun, President, Myanmar Women Entrepreneur Association, Yangon, Myanmar

6. Myint Su, Freelance Consultant and Community Development Worker, Yangon, Myanmar

7. Zaw Zaw Han, Civil Society Activist and Founder and CEO of the Forever Group, Yangon, Myanmar

8. Hla Maung Shwe, Vice-President, Myanmar Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Yangon, Myanmar

9. Soe Thein, Chief editor, Namath Khitai journal, Yangon, Myanmar

10. Aung Naing Oo, Bahu Institute, Chiangmai, Thailand

11. Thihan Myo-Nyun, Attorney and Legal Scholar, School of Law, Case Western Reserve University, Ohio, USA

12. Winston Set Aung, Consultant and Presidential Adviser, Government of Myanmar

13. Tin Htut Oo, Consultant, Yangon, Myanmar

14. Nyunt Maung Shein, Retired Director-General, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Myanmar

15. Kyee Myint, Retired Director General, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Myanmar

16. Mary Callahan, University of Washington, USA

17. Andreas List, Ambassador, European Union

18. Li Chanyang, Director, Southeast Asia Centre, Yunnan University, Kunming, China

19. U Ye Htut, Ministry of Information

20. U Chit Khaing, President, Myanmar Rice Merchants Association

21. Aung Naing Oo, Bahu Institute, Chiangmai, Thailand

22. Saw Yong Paing Shan, Nationalities Democracy Party, Yangon, Myanmar

23. Chit Than, Freelance Consultant, Myanmar

24. Andy Hall, Consultant to the Human Rights and Development Foundation

25. Nyo Ohn Myint, National League for Democracy, Liberated Area

26. Bo Bo Kyaw Nyein, Political Commentator, Myanmar

27. Lian Sakhong, Chin Political Activist

Conference Overview

On March 30, 2011, Myanmar’s long ruling military government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), handed over power to a new civilian government that came into being in the wake of the SPDC-sponsored elections held in November 2010. Because all administrative and legislative bodies both at the central and local levels were controlled by members of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), many political activists and Myanmar watchers did not expect much change under the new government. However, on August 19, 2011, to the surprise of many, President Thein Sein met pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in his official residence. Two days earlier, the president invited exile activists to return to the country. When Aung San Suu Kyi attended a government-sponsored conference on macro-economic reforms, she was welcomed as a “very very important person” (VVIP). Several senior government officials were very friendly towards her and many well-known cronies of senior government officials who in the past stayed away from members of the opposition lined up for a photo opportunity with the lady.

Aung San Suu Kyi publicly stated that she was very encouraged by the meeting and that she had trust in the president’s determination to bring about political change to the country, including on the issue of democracy. For the first time in its history, the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) issued a statement with positive comments about the government a few days after their leader met with President Thein Sein. While major EU countries welcomed the meeting, the United Nations’ human rights rapporteur Mr Quintana noted in a statement issued at the end of his recent visit to Myanmar that there were “real opportunities for positive and meaningful developments to improve the human rights situation and bring about a genuine transition to democracy”. On the other hand, many exile activists still have reservations about the sincerity of the president. Some have gone so far as to claim that what the president has done has been little more than a publicity stunt and that there was no difference between the new civilian government and the predecessor military regime.

When President Thein Sein suspended the controversial Myitsone dam project (jointly developed with Chinese construction companies) in response to the rejection of the project by civil society groups, the US and EU governments praised the decision. Even some exile activists began to opine that the new Myanmar government should be given a chance to prove itself different from its predecessor.

Myanmar has long defied some major social science theories and the expectations of both social scientists and journalists. Although some political transition theories speculated that military governments would not last very long, the military rule in Myanmar has lasted several decades. At the same time, although several Myanmar watchers had argued that the political liberalization undertaken by the military council that ruled the country between 1988 and 2011 would be meaningless, recent changes have indicated that real political change might be in the making. Therefore, it is a high time to examine how the emergence of the new government has affected Myanmar politics, economy, civil society space and foreign relations and how the recent political changes, especially the relations between the government and the opposition should be understood. This conference at the South East Asia Research Centre of the City University of Hong Kong will bring together 26 top scholars, political consultants, human rights activists, journalists as well as government and opposition representatives to discuss these important and timely issues.

No comments:

Maung Thar Kyaw

The Statement, dated October 30^th, and with the Place mentioned as: Sane Lai Kan Thar, the name of the State Guest House: ‘from 13:00 to 13:55 Daw Aung San Su Kyi [ASSK] came to see Union Minister U Aung Kyi, as she was invited by the Government of the Republic of Myanmar’ was issued.

At the Meeting the discussion dwelled on the situation where ‘the State is providing necessary assistances [meaning Constitution Amendments, for example, I guess]; and, in order to have economic development views on the importance of freedom of trade, and free circulation of currencies were also discussed’. And also, ‘the progress of the State’s undertakings to obtain perpetual peace initiatives with ethnic armed groups and the people that should be included in the amnesty were discussed’. Meetings in the future shall convene is agreed.

Details of the entire Meeting were not disclosed, as usual. This is the fourth time such Meeting had taken place.

After the Third Meeting between the two factions the Statement mentioned that the President was considering Amnesty, to join hands in controlling the flow of the Irrawaddy River, to bring in into legal folds of the people who are undergoing armed rebellion; and peace and rule of law were discussed.

After meeting with Aung Kyi twice ASSK met the President Thein Sein in August in Naypyidor. Soon afterward, over 200 so-called political prisoners were released under Amnesty Order. So-called political prisoner because the Governing clique consistently mentioned there is no political prisoners in Myanmar though there are plenty. There is some truth in the government’s claim that there is no political prisoner because no one was arrested under political issues but rather on criminal charges - for example: currency law, or disturbing public tranquility, etc.

ASSK met with Aung Kyi nine times under the previous military government but there was no substantive result whatsoever came out.

The Government came into existence on January 31, 2011 under the caption of the Government of the Republic of Myanmar with its President elected by the Union Parliament, a former military officer General Thein Sein. Many opinionated this General is a Dove – a soft liner, and his Deputy President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo [Shit Loane], another ex-General is a Hawk – a hard liner; all baloney; they all are one liner, i.e. for the prosperity and welfare of the Armed Forces, meaning the top and upper echelon of the Army, under the guise of democracy.

New Guise needs, of course, new format and that new format is what the new government is formatting or formatted by the military junta before the State Power was transferred and implementing it as planned. Whether former SG Than Shwe is pulling the string from behind or is he still involved in day to day affairs are all irrelevant, though his State managed private office near Oatparta Thati Pagoda in Naypyidor is hooked with Online TV honing in onto the proceedings of the Union Parliament. He knows or he is privy to know who is behaving or misbehaving in the Union Parliament but whether he is watching the TV is something yet to be known or playing his favorite games.

The Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature were formed and on March 30^th the State Power was transferred; the military junta SPDC was dissolved. The Ministry of Interior had given warnings to NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and Secretary ASSK in the last week of June to stop all its political activities as NLD is no political party according to the Party Registration Law of the Union Election Commission. The Ministry warning emphatically mentioned that NLD’s actions were intentionally motivated against the Law.

On top of that Union Election Commission had warned with a letter dated April 5^th to all 37 Registered Political Parties not to communicate with illegal political entities. Presumably, political circles as well as diplomatic community considered the warning was directed towards NDL.

Though the new government’s changing color is visible it is still noticeably unruly. The disregards of public opinions as well as international barrages remain as the hallmark of the Thein Sein’s Administration.

Disregarding its own Ministry’s Order Thein Sein allowed Minister Aung Kyi to parley with ASSK and even invited her to Naypyidor and received her exclusively where all political leaders from the Registered Political Parties are treated shabbily at the same occasion.

The Constitution was amended proposed by the Union Election Commission regarding the Membership where criminals cannot be party members or a political entity cannot register if its members are serving criminals. That phrase has now been erased for the sake of NLD. That amendment had made eased NLD to avoid the issue of abandoning its own jailed members when and if they apply for Party Registration.

The antagonistic political ogres of Burma are, on the visual body politics, in cordial relationship. One is, up to recent past, enjoyed full support of China and now trying its best to veer off to get into the western orbit. The other ogre has, from the very beginning to present, receives consistent and absolute no-matter-what support from the western camp. It has four Radio stations providing overwhelming support in high volume of propaganda just for one person, viz. Radio Free Asia and Voice of America [two US outfits], BBC [British outfit], and Democratic Voice of Burma [EU outfit] beaming into Burma where people are socket in with one line to support, day in and day out, every day. This ogre is the western group’s horse of Burma and Thein Sein Administration wants to ride along with that horse to the winning post. Is consistent propping up necessitate a leader to become an icon? Yes, it is, at least in Burma, it has been proven!

Within a couple of days NLD will decide whether to register and the outcome is quite predictable: ‘if ASSK is promised to contest in the upcoming By-election then NLD will allow to Register by ASSK regardless of party or public opinion’. Does it mean: ‘if she is not allowed to contest in the upcoming By-election’ then NLD will not be permitted to register by ASSK? Quite likely so, as all the past behaviors indicated that: ‘person is superior to policy’, and the ‘party is dispensable’.

So far, there is no knowledge that the outcome of the Aung Kyi-Su Kyi Meeting had agreed whether ASSK will be allowed to contest in the election. If that is the case the amendment of the constitution will be a major issue. At the end of the day, one faction will sure to swallow the other like python. No on

e knows, which one will come out as the python and which one is Mai Dwe Lay.

Maung Thar Kyaw

Taiwan, November 3, 2011.

Here she is, Thinzar Win, on the right.

Could you still think you are looking at Burmese girls who are posting for this photo in Rangoon? If you think the junta is to be blamed for all decadent aspects, then, your thinking may be inconclusive.

Shwedarling.com, a website for dating and mating prevails in today’s Burma. In 1988 no one could dream that Burma would be at this stage today but it has advanced so fast and so vast.

Infested with nouveau riche in the ngathalau’ economy decadences are abound; instead of tea break at usual hour at or around 4:00 PM now the nouveau riche have new past time at 3:30 PM or so – “Time to squeeze Pau’ Si” at Karaoke bars that are mushrooming through out Burma!

Junta’s policies may have pushed urbanites to that corner but it is just a plain excuse. Getting along by going along is a sin, by all means.

Here is another exhibit to think of!

Moe Hay Ko, another Model, good at Catwalk as well as other walks – bed walk [?] smooching somewhere in the quiet corner!

Salamani Kantchalar!

Burma was under absolute monarchy from 1044 AD until 1885 AD and was under different dynasties. The Monarchs yearned to possess White Elephant; i.e. to claim as the Owner of the White Elephant or Sin Phyu Shin, or, if they have more than one White Elephant, then, Sin Phyu Myarr Shin!

One White Elephant-crazy king even commanded to retrieve a dead elephant floated down the river that had resemblances of White Elephant and kept in his palace and claimed he was the Sin Phuy Shin.

White Elephant is considered to represent the power and glory of the Owner and the White Elephant would appear, according to the myth, only if the Ruler of the country has strong Power and Glory.

Burma has dictators since 1962: viz. Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe; and, all of them seem to believe that they were the royalty somehow or other. The last dynasty, Koane Baung, ended with His Majesty King Thibaw. The prophecy had it that there would be 13 Koane Baung kings to reign Burma. Thibaw was the 11th and two more kings are yet to reign. Ne Win presumed he was the 12th Koane Baung King! Saw Maung seemed to have believed that he was the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and, Than Shwe believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun.

During Thar Lun Than Shwe’s reign, a White Elephant was sited in the jungle of Rakhine State. With pomp and pageantry the White Elephant was brought to Rangoon, the then Nay Pyi Daw and kept in the highly decorated pavilion that befits only to the royalty with special elephant guards, etc., so on and so forth. All the necessary arrangements were carried out by MI and its Chief Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty, though he never got to the top most spot of the junta’s ivory tower. The propaganda mill was fanning at high speed that the current rulers of Burma have highly auspicious power and glory so much so that the White Elephant was presented by the Nats [Resplendent being worthy of veneration].

Within a few months after the White Elephant had settled in at the newly built pavilion a Bangladeshi, or, to be more exact, a Chittagonian, or better known in Burma as Khortaw Kalar showed up at the Bangladeshi Embassy in Rangoon, claiming that the elephant at the Pavilion was his elephant that was herded away by the Burmese while grazing in the jungle and requested the Bangladeshi Ambassador to reclaim the elephant from the Burmese junta on his behalf. To cut the story short the Ambassador along with the Officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and MI officers went to the Pavilion with the Khortaw Kalar and demanded to prove his claim.

There, Khortaw Kalar stepped out and bellowed: Salamani Kantchalar!

At the very instant the ‘Command’ was heard the White Elephant lifted up his trunk and trumpeted a very loud noise. The ‘Command’ was given for the second time and the White Elephant responded in the same manner again. Then, Khortaw Kalar commanded in more Khortaw words: the White Elephant was under complete spell of commands – sitting, kneeling, etc. Now, the claim was proven to be true and the negotiation was but started. MI ended up paying US $ 100,000.00 from the State coffer as demanded by the Khortaw Kalar for the White Elephant that was supposed to have been presented by the Nats due to the power and glory of the rulers of Burma.

Khortaw did not stop then and there. He added there are four more such elephants in his possession and they were up for sale if the price is right. MI arranged a delegation to accompany the Khortaw to his native village in the no-man’s land between Bangladesh and Burma to inspect the so called White Elephants. There, the delegation found two more White Elephants out of the four and agreed to pay US$ 200,000 a piece.

Burmese delegation could not just take the two elephants away they bought; they need the Khortaw to release the two in the Rakhine jungle for them to herd them back to Burma later as though it was naturally sited. Thus, the usurper royalties of Burma got three White Elephants at a price of US $ 500,000.

Some one got excited regarding the Salamani Kantchalar and traced back how it came into existence! In the anal of Burma there was a time when a Shan Prince by the name of Sao Han Pha, better known as Tho Han Bwa reigned Burma. He was a tyrant by all means; conceited and insolent, and very much anti-Buddhist religion. During his rein many Monks were tortured, killed and extradited to far away places and forced them from learning Buddhist scripture. Tho Han Bwa was the Daman daye [impediment endangering the teachings of Buddha] of his time. Under Tho Han Bwa, some aspects of Buddhist incantations had changed; for example: Buddhan Tharanan Gitsarmi, Dhaman Tharanan Gitsarmi but Sanghan Tharanan was turned into Gunsarmi, and Buddhan Puzaymi, Dhaman Puzaymi, and Sangan had turned into Pu-Jail-mi, just like recent events under Daman daye Thar Lun Than Shwe.

Many Burmese fled to far away places, including Burma-Bangladesh border to fight back Tho Han Bwa and/or other tyrants. There, they deployed Khortaws to attend their elephants. Khortaws were taught to learn ‘Commands’ in Burmese but it was very difficult for the Khortaws to learn the necessary commands for the elephants. By virtue of wits a Burmese gave a ‘battle command or a battle cry’ for the elephants: “Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee”, in rhyme with the actual command. That, Khortaw could learn with not much difficulty. As the time woes on the command Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee had resonance into Salamani Kantchalar!

Ne Win who presumed to be the 12th Koane Baung, Saw Maung who presumed to be the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and the cagey sly fox Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty had all but ended badly. Now we have to see how Than Shwe who believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun ended? Is it to believe that those who sit on such chairs excrete such excreta?

As a matter of fact, the real Owner of the White Elephants or the Sin Phyu Myarr Shin actually was the Khortaw Kalar of Bangladesh!

By the way,
All the Usurpers,
Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe are mere “Suu Yauts”!