kabarmakyay: အစိုးရႏွင့္ အတုိက္အခံ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ စီစဥ္ခဲ့ၾကစဥ္က

2/25/2012

အစိုးရႏွင့္ အတုိက္အခံ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ စီစဥ္ခဲ့ၾကစဥ္က

ေမာင္ဝံသ

၁၉၆၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီ ၆ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ပါလီမန္ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ က်င္းပခဲ့သည္။ မဲဆႏၵနယ္ ၂၅၀ အနက္ သန္႔ရွင္း ဖဆပလ အဖြဲ႔က ၂၀၃ ေနရာ ႏိုင္တယ္။ တည္ၿမဲ ဖဆပလ အဖြဲ႔က ၃၉ ေနရာ ႏိုင္တယ္။ ပမညတ အဖြဲ႔က တစ္ေနရာပဲ အႏိုင္ ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္မ်ား ေၾကညာၿပီး ရက္ ၆၀ မၾကာခင္မွာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ေနဝင္း ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အိမ္ေစာင့္ အစိုးရက ဦးႏု ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ အစိုးရ အဖြဲ႔ကို အာဏာ လႊဲေပးခဲ့တယ္။ ၁၉၆၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ဧၿပီ ၁ ရက္ေန႔မွာ တတိယ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ညီလာခံ အစည္းအေဝးကို က်င္းပၿပီး အာဏာ လႊဲေျပာင္း ေပးခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

၁၉၆၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလက စၿပီး တက္လာတဲ့ သန္႔ရွင္း ဖဆပလ တစ္ျဖစ္လဲ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ပါတီ အစိုးရဟာ တစ္ႏွစ္ခန္႔ အၾကာ ၁၉၆၁ ခု ဧၿပီလ ၁၁ ရက္ ေန႔စြဲနဲ႔ ပါလီမန္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ စနစ္ ထြန္းကားေရး ေကာ္မတီ အစီရင္ခံစာဆိုတဲ့ စာတမ္း တစ္ေစာင္ကို အစိုးရ ပံုႏွိပ္တုိက္က ပံုႏွိပ္ ထုတ္ေဝခဲ့တယ္။

ပါတီစံု ေကာ္မတီ တစ္ရပ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့ပံု

အဲဒီ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ အပိုင္း ၆ ပိုင္း ပါတယ္။ အပိုင္း ၁ မွာ ေကာ္မတီ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုကို ေဖာ္ျပတယ္။ (မူရင္း စာလံုးေပါင္း အတုိင္း)

“၁၉၆၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔စြဲပါ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္႐ံုး၊ အမႈတြဲ အမွတ္ ၃၂၊ ခ-ပ ၆၀ မွ ေကာက္ႏုတ္ခ်က္ အမိန္႔စာ၌ အစုိးရ အာဏာ ရရွိထားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီ တစ္ခုသည္ မိမိ ရရွိထားေသာ အာဏာႏွင့္ အခြင့္ အေရးမ်ားကို သံုးစြဲရာတြင္ အျခား အာဏာ လက္မဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီမ်ားႏွင့္ တုိင္းသူ ျပည္သားမ်ား အေပၚတြင္ မတရားမႈမ်ား မျပဳက်င့္ ႏိုင္ေစျခင္းငွာ အဆုိပါ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား သံုးစြဲျခင္းကို တိက်စြာ သတ္မွတ္ ထားရွိရန္ လိုအပ္သည့္ အတြက္ ေကာ္မတီ တစ္ရပ္ကို ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတက ေအာက္ပါ အတုိင္း ဖြဲ႔စည္း လုိက္သည္ဟု ပါရွိပါသည္။

ေကာ္မတီ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားမွာ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္” လုိ႔ ဆိုကာ ပထစ၊ ဖဆပလ၊ ရတည (ရခိုင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား၊ ညီၫြတ္ေရး အဖြဲ႔) နဲ႔ ပမညတ အဖြဲ႔တုိ႔မွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားနဲ႔ ဖြဲ႔စည္း ထားပံုကို ေဖာ္ျပ ထားသည္။

သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဒါက္တာဘဦးက သဘာပတိ၊ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား အျဖစ္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ တရား ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးသိမ္းေမာင္၊ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒ေဟာင္း ဦးတင္၊ ပထစ အဖြဲ႔ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ၆ ဦး ဝန္ႀကီး သခင္တင္၊ ဝန္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္မွဴးေအာင္၊ ဝန္ႀကီး ေဒါက္တာ ဦးဧေမာင္၊ ဝန္ႀကီး စဝ္ခြန္ခ်ိဳ၊ ဗိုလ္မင္းေခါင္၊ ဗိုလ္တင္ေမာင္ႀကီး၊ ဖဆပလ အဖြဲ႔မွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ၅ ဦး - ဦးဗေဆြ၊ ဦးေက်ာ္ၿငိမ္း၊ သခင္သာခင္၊ ဗိုလ္ခင္ေမာင္ကေလး၊ သခင္ခ်စ္ေမာင္၊ ရတည အဖြဲ႔မွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ၅ ဦး- ဦးေက်ာ္မင္း၊ ဦးလွထြန္းျဖဴ၊ ဦးဘၿမိဳင္၊ ဦးစံထြန္းခိုင္၊ ဦးေမာင္ဦးေက်ာ္၊ ပမညတ အဖြဲ႔မွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ၅ ဦး - မြန္ ဦးဘိုခ်ိဳ၊ သခင္ခ်စ္ေမာင္၊ ဦးဘၿငိမ္း၊ ဦးသိန္းေဖျမင့္၊ ဦးပီဝမ္းတုိ႔ ပါဝင္ ၾကပါသည္။

အာဏာအလြဲသံုးႏိုင္တဲ့ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ား

အပိုင္း ၂ မွာ ေကာ္မတီရဲ႕ တာဝန္ ဝတၱရားမ်ားကို ေဖာ္ျပထားတယ္။ အပိုင္း ၃ မွာ ေကာ္မတီရဲ႕ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္မ်ား ပါရွိ တယ္။ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္ အခ်ိဳ႕ကို ေဖာ္ျပထားရာမွာ -

“အစုိးရ အာဏာ ရရွိထားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီ တစ္ခုသည္ မိမိ အာဏာ ရရွိခ်ိန္ အတြင္း မည္ကဲ့သုိ႔ေသာ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားတြင္ အာဏာကို အလြဲသံုးစား ျပဳလုပ္လိုက ျပဳလုပ္ ႏိုင္ပါသနည္း” ဟူေသာ ပုစၧာ၏ အေျဖကို ရွာေဖြရာတြင္ ျဖစ္ပ်က္ခဲ့သည့္ အေျခ အေန အရပ္ရပ္တုိ႔ကို ေထာက္႐ႈ၍ ေအာက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ အခ်က္ အလက္မ်ားကို ေတြ႔ရွိခဲ့ေလသည္။

(က) အစိုးရ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ဝန္ႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ပါလီမန္ အတြင္းဝန္မ်ားသည္ အစိုးရပိုင္ ယာဥ္မ်ားကို အသံုးျပဳျခင္း။

(ခ) ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီ အေနႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အစိုးရ အသံလႊင့္ ဌာနကို အသံုးျပဳျခင္း။

(ဂ) အစိုးရ အရာထမ္း အမႈထမ္းမ်ားအား ပါတီႏိုင္ငံေရး ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားတြင္ အသံုးျပဳျခင္း။

(ဃ) အစိုးရဘုတ္ အဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ ေကာ္ပိုေရးရွင္းမ်ားတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီဝင္မ်ားအား အဖြဲ႔ဝင္ လူႀကီးမ်ား အျဖစ္ ခန္႔အပ္ျခင္း။

(င) အစိုးရ ေၾကာ္ျငာမ်ားကို သတင္းစာ တုိက္မ်ားသို႔ ေပးပို႔ျခင္း။

(စ) အစိုးရ အေနႏွင့္ ေပးႏိုင္ေသာ စီးပြားေရး အခြင့္ အေရးမ်ားကို ခ်ထားေပးျခင္း။

ဆုိတဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြကို ေဖာ္ျပထားၿပီး

“ေကာ္မတီသည္ လက္ရွိ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အစိုးရ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ဌာန အသီးသီးမွ က်င့္သံုး လုိက္နာေသာ ဥပေဒမ်ားကို သာမက ပါလီမန္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ စနစ္ကို လက္ခံ က်င့္သံုးလ်က္ ရွိေသာ ႏိုင္ငံ အသီးသီးမွ အေျခခံ စည္းမ်ဥ္း ဥပေဒမ်ား၊ အက္ဥပေဒမ်ား၊ အစဥ္အလာမ်ားကိုပါ ႏိႈက္ႏိႈက္ ခၽြတ္ခၽြတ္ ေလ့လာခဲ့ၿပီးလွ်င္ ေအာက္ပါ အတုိင္း သေဘာ တူညီ ခဲ့ၾကေလသည္” ဆုိကာ အပိုင္း ၄ သေဘာ တူညီခ်က္မ်ား အျဖစ္ ေအာက္ပါ အခ်က္ေတြကို ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။

၁။ အစုိးရယာဥ္မ်ားကုိ အသုံးျပဳျခင္း-

(က) အစုိးရ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ဝန္ႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ပါလီမန္ အတြင္းဝန္မ်ားသည္ ပါလီမန္ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ က်င္းပရန္ ေၾကျငာသည့္ ေန႔မွစ၍ ယင္းေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ က်င္းပ ၿပီးစီးသည့္ ေန႔အထိ အစုိးရပုိင္ ယာဥ္မ်ားကို အစုိးရ လုပ္ငန္းႏွင့္ သက္ဆုိင္ေသာ အေရးတႀကီး အေျခအေနမွ ေပၚေပါက္သည့္ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ား ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္မွ တစ္ပါး အစုိးရ အေနျဖင့္ အသုံးမျပဳရန္။

မွတ္ခ်က္- အေရးတႀကီး အေျခအေနမွာ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒ အပုိဒ္ ၉၄ (၁)တြင္ ျပဌာန္း ထားေသာ စစ္မက္၊ ႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ဆူပူမႈ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ႏုိင္ငံ၏ တည္တံ့မႈကို အႏၱရာယ္ ျဖစ္ေစအံ့ေသာ အထူး အေရးတႀကီး အေျခ၊ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ႏုိင္ငံကုိ ထိခုိက္ ေနေသာ စီးပြားေရး အေရးတႀကီး အေျခတုိ႔ကုိ ဆုိလုိပါသည္။

(ခ) အစုိးရ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ဝန္ႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ပါလီမန္ အတြင္းဝန္မ်ားသည္ ပါလီမန္ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ က်င္းပရန္ ေၾကညာ သတ္မွတ္ ထားေသာ အခ်ိန္ ကာလ မဟုတ္သည့္ သာမန္ အခ်ိန္ ကာလတြင္ အစုိးရ ယာဥ္မ်ားကုိ အသုံးျပဳရာ၌ မိမိတုိ႔၏ သိကၡာကို ေစာင့္စည္း ထိန္းသိမ္းလ်က္ အသုံးျပဳၾကရန္ သေဘာ တူၾကပါသည္။

၂။ အစုိးရ အသံလႊင့္ဌာနကုိ အသုံးျပဳျခင္း-

(က) ပါလီမန္ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အခ်ိန္ကာလ မဟုတ္သည့္ သာမန္ အခ်ိန္ ကာလတြင္ ပါလီမန္၌ မိန္႔ၾကားေသာ အစုိးရ သေဘာထား မိန္႔ခြန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ အစုိးရ ေၾကညာ ခ်က္မ်ားကို ထုတ္ျပန္ ေၾကညာရန္မွ အပမည္သည့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီ အသင္းအဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ ပုဂၢဳိလ္တစ္ဦး တစ္ေယာက္တုိ႔၏ ကုိယ္ေရး ကုိယ္တာ ဝါဒျဖန္႔မႈအတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ အသံလႊင့္ဌာနကို အသုံးျပဳျခင္းမွ ေရွာင္ၾကဥ္ရန္။

(ခ) ပါလီမန္ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေလာင္းမ်ား အမည္ တင္သြင္းလႊာကုိ စိစစ္ၿပီးသည့္ ေန႔မွစ၍ လူမ်ဳိးစု လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မက်င္းပမီ တစ္ေန႔အထိ ေအာက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ အရည္း အခ်င္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည္စုံသည့္ တရားဝင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္း အသီးသီးတုိ႔အား ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ အစုိးရ အသံလႊင့္ဌာန အသံလႊင့္ ခြင့္ျပဳရန္။

တရားဝင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ဆုိသည္မွာ ျပန္ၾကားေရးႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔ ဆက္ဆံေရး စည္းမ်ဥ္း ဥပေဒမ်ားတြင္ မည္သုိ႔ပင္ ဆုိထားေစကာမူ-

(၁) ႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္ လူမ်ဳိးအတြက္ ေကာင္းမြန္ တိက် ခုိင္လုံေသာ ဝါဒႏွင့္ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ ရွိျခင္း၊

(၂) ႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္ အဝန္း အဖြဲ႔ခြဲမ်ား၊ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား ျပည့္စုံ လုံေလာက္စြာ ရွိျခင္း၊

(၃) အရပ္ရပ္၌ အမတ္ေလာင္းမ်ား လုံေလာက္စြာ ပါဝင္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ ႏုိင္စြမ္း ရွိျခင္း၊ ဟူေသာ အရည္အခ်င္း အဂၤါရပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည့္စံုေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖြဲ႔ အစည္းကုိ ဆုိလုိပါသည္။

ရွင္းလင္းခ်က္- အရပ္ရပ္၌ အမတ္ေလာင္းမ်ား လုံေလာက္စြာ ပါဝင္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ႏုိင္စြမ္း မရွိျခင္း ဆုိရာ၌ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ အမတ္ေလာင္း ဦးေရ ၁၅၀ထက္ မနည္း ပါဝင္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ႏုိင္ျခင္းကို ဆုိလုိပါသည္။

(ဂ) အထက္ ေဖာ္ျပပါ အဂါၤရပ္ ၃ခုႏွင့္ ျပည့္စံုေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖြဲ႔ အစည္းမ်ားအား ပါလီမန္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ေလာင္းမ်ား၏ အမည္ တင္သြင္းလႊာကို စိစစ္ၿပီးသည့္ ေန႔မွစ၍ လူမ်ဳိးစု လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မက်င္းပမီ တစ္ရက္ အခ်ိန္ကာလ အေတာအတြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖြဲ႔တစ္ဖြဲ႔အတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ အစုိးရ အသံလႊင့္ဌာနမွ တစ္ႀကိမ္လွ်င္ တစ္နာရီထက္ မပုိေသာ စုစုေပါင္း အႀကိမ္ ၅ႀကိမ္ထက္ မမ်ားဘဲ တူမွ်ေသာ အသံလႊင့္ခြင့္ကို ခ်မွတ္ေပးရန္ …. စသည္ျဖင့္ ေဖာ္ျပထားၿပီး အပုိင္း ၅မွာ ' သေဘာ တူညီခ်က္မ်ားကုိ အေကာင္ အထည္ေဖာ္ရန္ နည္းလမ္း' ၊ အပုိင္း ၆မွာ ' ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ အစုိးရထံ တင္ျပ အႀကံေပးခ်က္မ်ား ' ပါရွိပါသည္။

အထက္ပါေဖာ္ျပပါ တင္ျပ အႀကံေပး ခ်က္ေတြကို အေကာင္ အထည္ ေဖာ္ေနခ်ိန္မွာပဲ ၁၉၆၂ခု မတ္လ ၂ရက္မွာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ေနဝင္း ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေကာ္စီက အာဏာသိမ္း လုိက္လုိ႔ အစီအစဥ္ ေတြကလည္း နိဌိတံ သြားပါ ေတာ့တယ္။

အာဏာရၿပီး အက်င့္မပ်က္ေအာင္

အသိမ္းအဆည္း ေကာင္းတဲ့ မိတ္ေဆြ တစ္ေယာက္ဆီကရတဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာ စာအုပ္ငယ္ ကေလးမွာ ပါရွိတဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြဟာ အာဏာရ ပါတီမ်ား အက်င့္မပ်က္ေအာင္ ထိန္းကြပ္ဖုိ႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းခ်က္ ျဖစ္ေနတာကို ေတြ႔ရလုိ႔ ဝမ္းေျမာက္ ဝမ္းသာ ျဖစ္ရပါသည္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ ၅၀နီးပါးခန္႔က အာဏာရနဲ႔ အာဏာမဲ့ ပါတီမ်ားရဲ႕ တုိင္းျပည္ အက်ဳိး ေရွးရႈၿပီး ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ တစ္ရပ္ ကိုလည္း တေစ့တေစာင္း ေတြ႔လုိက္ရေၾကာင္း ပါဗ်ာ။

ကုိးကားခ်က္-

၁။ ပါလီမန္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ စနစ္ထြန္းကားေရး၊ ေကာ္မတီ အစီရင္ခံစာ၊ ၁၁ဧၿပီ ၁၉၆၁၊ အစုိးရ ပုံႏွိပ္တုိက္၊ သိမ္ျဖဴလမ္း၊ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕။

၂။ ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ တတိယတြဲ၊ ျမန္မာ့ သမုိင္း ျဖစ္ရပ္ အမွန္မ်ား ေရးသားျပဳစုေရး အဖဲြ႔၊ ၁၉၉၁။

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Maung Thar Kyaw

The Statement, dated October 30^th, and with the Place mentioned as: Sane Lai Kan Thar, the name of the State Guest House: ‘from 13:00 to 13:55 Daw Aung San Su Kyi [ASSK] came to see Union Minister U Aung Kyi, as she was invited by the Government of the Republic of Myanmar’ was issued.

At the Meeting the discussion dwelled on the situation where ‘the State is providing necessary assistances [meaning Constitution Amendments, for example, I guess]; and, in order to have economic development views on the importance of freedom of trade, and free circulation of currencies were also discussed’. And also, ‘the progress of the State’s undertakings to obtain perpetual peace initiatives with ethnic armed groups and the people that should be included in the amnesty were discussed’. Meetings in the future shall convene is agreed.

Details of the entire Meeting were not disclosed, as usual. This is the fourth time such Meeting had taken place.

After the Third Meeting between the two factions the Statement mentioned that the President was considering Amnesty, to join hands in controlling the flow of the Irrawaddy River, to bring in into legal folds of the people who are undergoing armed rebellion; and peace and rule of law were discussed.

After meeting with Aung Kyi twice ASSK met the President Thein Sein in August in Naypyidor. Soon afterward, over 200 so-called political prisoners were released under Amnesty Order. So-called political prisoner because the Governing clique consistently mentioned there is no political prisoners in Myanmar though there are plenty. There is some truth in the government’s claim that there is no political prisoner because no one was arrested under political issues but rather on criminal charges - for example: currency law, or disturbing public tranquility, etc.

ASSK met with Aung Kyi nine times under the previous military government but there was no substantive result whatsoever came out.

The Government came into existence on January 31, 2011 under the caption of the Government of the Republic of Myanmar with its President elected by the Union Parliament, a former military officer General Thein Sein. Many opinionated this General is a Dove – a soft liner, and his Deputy President Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo [Shit Loane], another ex-General is a Hawk – a hard liner; all baloney; they all are one liner, i.e. for the prosperity and welfare of the Armed Forces, meaning the top and upper echelon of the Army, under the guise of democracy.

New Guise needs, of course, new format and that new format is what the new government is formatting or formatted by the military junta before the State Power was transferred and implementing it as planned. Whether former SG Than Shwe is pulling the string from behind or is he still involved in day to day affairs are all irrelevant, though his State managed private office near Oatparta Thati Pagoda in Naypyidor is hooked with Online TV honing in onto the proceedings of the Union Parliament. He knows or he is privy to know who is behaving or misbehaving in the Union Parliament but whether he is watching the TV is something yet to be known or playing his favorite games.

The Executive, Judiciary, and Legislature were formed and on March 30^th the State Power was transferred; the military junta SPDC was dissolved. The Ministry of Interior had given warnings to NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and Secretary ASSK in the last week of June to stop all its political activities as NLD is no political party according to the Party Registration Law of the Union Election Commission. The Ministry warning emphatically mentioned that NLD’s actions were intentionally motivated against the Law.

On top of that Union Election Commission had warned with a letter dated April 5^th to all 37 Registered Political Parties not to communicate with illegal political entities. Presumably, political circles as well as diplomatic community considered the warning was directed towards NDL.

Though the new government’s changing color is visible it is still noticeably unruly. The disregards of public opinions as well as international barrages remain as the hallmark of the Thein Sein’s Administration.

Disregarding its own Ministry’s Order Thein Sein allowed Minister Aung Kyi to parley with ASSK and even invited her to Naypyidor and received her exclusively where all political leaders from the Registered Political Parties are treated shabbily at the same occasion.

The Constitution was amended proposed by the Union Election Commission regarding the Membership where criminals cannot be party members or a political entity cannot register if its members are serving criminals. That phrase has now been erased for the sake of NLD. That amendment had made eased NLD to avoid the issue of abandoning its own jailed members when and if they apply for Party Registration.

The antagonistic political ogres of Burma are, on the visual body politics, in cordial relationship. One is, up to recent past, enjoyed full support of China and now trying its best to veer off to get into the western orbit. The other ogre has, from the very beginning to present, receives consistent and absolute no-matter-what support from the western camp. It has four Radio stations providing overwhelming support in high volume of propaganda just for one person, viz. Radio Free Asia and Voice of America [two US outfits], BBC [British outfit], and Democratic Voice of Burma [EU outfit] beaming into Burma where people are socket in with one line to support, day in and day out, every day. This ogre is the western group’s horse of Burma and Thein Sein Administration wants to ride along with that horse to the winning post. Is consistent propping up necessitate a leader to become an icon? Yes, it is, at least in Burma, it has been proven!

Within a couple of days NLD will decide whether to register and the outcome is quite predictable: ‘if ASSK is promised to contest in the upcoming By-election then NLD will allow to Register by ASSK regardless of party or public opinion’. Does it mean: ‘if she is not allowed to contest in the upcoming By-election’ then NLD will not be permitted to register by ASSK? Quite likely so, as all the past behaviors indicated that: ‘person is superior to policy’, and the ‘party is dispensable’.

So far, there is no knowledge that the outcome of the Aung Kyi-Su Kyi Meeting had agreed whether ASSK will be allowed to contest in the election. If that is the case the amendment of the constitution will be a major issue. At the end of the day, one faction will sure to swallow the other like python. No on

e knows, which one will come out as the python and which one is Mai Dwe Lay.

Maung Thar Kyaw

Taiwan, November 3, 2011.

Here she is, Thinzar Win, on the right.

Could you still think you are looking at Burmese girls who are posting for this photo in Rangoon? If you think the junta is to be blamed for all decadent aspects, then, your thinking may be inconclusive.

Shwedarling.com, a website for dating and mating prevails in today’s Burma. In 1988 no one could dream that Burma would be at this stage today but it has advanced so fast and so vast.

Infested with nouveau riche in the ngathalau’ economy decadences are abound; instead of tea break at usual hour at or around 4:00 PM now the nouveau riche have new past time at 3:30 PM or so – “Time to squeeze Pau’ Si” at Karaoke bars that are mushrooming through out Burma!

Junta’s policies may have pushed urbanites to that corner but it is just a plain excuse. Getting along by going along is a sin, by all means.

Here is another exhibit to think of!

Moe Hay Ko, another Model, good at Catwalk as well as other walks – bed walk [?] smooching somewhere in the quiet corner!

Salamani Kantchalar!

Burma was under absolute monarchy from 1044 AD until 1885 AD and was under different dynasties. The Monarchs yearned to possess White Elephant; i.e. to claim as the Owner of the White Elephant or Sin Phyu Shin, or, if they have more than one White Elephant, then, Sin Phyu Myarr Shin!

One White Elephant-crazy king even commanded to retrieve a dead elephant floated down the river that had resemblances of White Elephant and kept in his palace and claimed he was the Sin Phuy Shin.

White Elephant is considered to represent the power and glory of the Owner and the White Elephant would appear, according to the myth, only if the Ruler of the country has strong Power and Glory.

Burma has dictators since 1962: viz. Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe; and, all of them seem to believe that they were the royalty somehow or other. The last dynasty, Koane Baung, ended with His Majesty King Thibaw. The prophecy had it that there would be 13 Koane Baung kings to reign Burma. Thibaw was the 11th and two more kings are yet to reign. Ne Win presumed he was the 12th Koane Baung King! Saw Maung seemed to have believed that he was the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and, Than Shwe believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun.

During Thar Lun Than Shwe’s reign, a White Elephant was sited in the jungle of Rakhine State. With pomp and pageantry the White Elephant was brought to Rangoon, the then Nay Pyi Daw and kept in the highly decorated pavilion that befits only to the royalty with special elephant guards, etc., so on and so forth. All the necessary arrangements were carried out by MI and its Chief Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty, though he never got to the top most spot of the junta’s ivory tower. The propaganda mill was fanning at high speed that the current rulers of Burma have highly auspicious power and glory so much so that the White Elephant was presented by the Nats [Resplendent being worthy of veneration].

Within a few months after the White Elephant had settled in at the newly built pavilion a Bangladeshi, or, to be more exact, a Chittagonian, or better known in Burma as Khortaw Kalar showed up at the Bangladeshi Embassy in Rangoon, claiming that the elephant at the Pavilion was his elephant that was herded away by the Burmese while grazing in the jungle and requested the Bangladeshi Ambassador to reclaim the elephant from the Burmese junta on his behalf. To cut the story short the Ambassador along with the Officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and MI officers went to the Pavilion with the Khortaw Kalar and demanded to prove his claim.

There, Khortaw Kalar stepped out and bellowed: Salamani Kantchalar!

At the very instant the ‘Command’ was heard the White Elephant lifted up his trunk and trumpeted a very loud noise. The ‘Command’ was given for the second time and the White Elephant responded in the same manner again. Then, Khortaw Kalar commanded in more Khortaw words: the White Elephant was under complete spell of commands – sitting, kneeling, etc. Now, the claim was proven to be true and the negotiation was but started. MI ended up paying US $ 100,000.00 from the State coffer as demanded by the Khortaw Kalar for the White Elephant that was supposed to have been presented by the Nats due to the power and glory of the rulers of Burma.

Khortaw did not stop then and there. He added there are four more such elephants in his possession and they were up for sale if the price is right. MI arranged a delegation to accompany the Khortaw to his native village in the no-man’s land between Bangladesh and Burma to inspect the so called White Elephants. There, the delegation found two more White Elephants out of the four and agreed to pay US$ 200,000 a piece.

Burmese delegation could not just take the two elephants away they bought; they need the Khortaw to release the two in the Rakhine jungle for them to herd them back to Burma later as though it was naturally sited. Thus, the usurper royalties of Burma got three White Elephants at a price of US $ 500,000.

Some one got excited regarding the Salamani Kantchalar and traced back how it came into existence! In the anal of Burma there was a time when a Shan Prince by the name of Sao Han Pha, better known as Tho Han Bwa reigned Burma. He was a tyrant by all means; conceited and insolent, and very much anti-Buddhist religion. During his rein many Monks were tortured, killed and extradited to far away places and forced them from learning Buddhist scripture. Tho Han Bwa was the Daman daye [impediment endangering the teachings of Buddha] of his time. Under Tho Han Bwa, some aspects of Buddhist incantations had changed; for example: Buddhan Tharanan Gitsarmi, Dhaman Tharanan Gitsarmi but Sanghan Tharanan was turned into Gunsarmi, and Buddhan Puzaymi, Dhaman Puzaymi, and Sangan had turned into Pu-Jail-mi, just like recent events under Daman daye Thar Lun Than Shwe.

Many Burmese fled to far away places, including Burma-Bangladesh border to fight back Tho Han Bwa and/or other tyrants. There, they deployed Khortaws to attend their elephants. Khortaws were taught to learn ‘Commands’ in Burmese but it was very difficult for the Khortaws to learn the necessary commands for the elephants. By virtue of wits a Burmese gave a ‘battle command or a battle cry’ for the elephants: “Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee”, in rhyme with the actual command. That, Khortaw could learn with not much difficulty. As the time woes on the command Sarr Lho. Ma Nyee Kanazoe Thee had resonance into Salamani Kantchalar!

Ne Win who presumed to be the 12th Koane Baung, Saw Maung who presumed to be the reincarnation of King Kyan Sit Tharr of the Pagan Dynasty, and the cagey sly fox Khin Nyunt who believes he was the reincarnation of Bayint Naung of Taungngoo Dynasty had all but ended badly. Now we have to see how Than Shwe who believes he was the reincarnation of King Thar Lun ended? Is it to believe that those who sit on such chairs excrete such excreta?

As a matter of fact, the real Owner of the White Elephants or the Sin Phyu Myarr Shin actually was the Khortaw Kalar of Bangladesh!

By the way,
All the Usurpers,
Ne Win, Saw Maung, Than Shwe are mere “Suu Yauts”!